{"id":959,"date":"2021-12-03T09:57:27","date_gmt":"2021-12-03T07:57:27","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/yavuzalogan.com\/?p=959"},"modified":"2021-12-03T09:57:27","modified_gmt":"2021-12-03T07:57:27","slug":"kotunun-biraz-iyisi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"http:\/\/yavuzalogan.com\/?p=959","title":{"rendered":"K\u00d6T\u00dcN\u00dcN B\u0130RAZ \u0130Y\u0130S\u0130"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
\"\"<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Yavuz Alogan<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Parti taban\u0131 daima parti y\u00f6netiminden daha radikaldir. Y\u00f6netim, taban\u0131 sa\u011flam tutmak i\u00e7in hareketin temelini olu\u015fturan idealizmi k\u00f6r\u00fckler, \u00f6rg\u00fct a\u011flar\u0131n\u0131 kullanarak ona s\u00fcrekli gaz verir.  Fakat siyas\u00ee parti y\u00f6n de\u011fi\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in b\u00fcy\u00fck manevralara giri\u015fti\u011finde, onu s\u0131rt\u0131na al\u0131p iktidara ta\u015f\u0131yan ya da \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131karan, mesela ana muhalefet partisi yapan taban dalgalanmaya ba\u015flar. \u0130ktidara t\u0131rman\u0131rken, partiyi ya da devleti ele ge\u00e7irirken k\u00f6r\u00fcklenen idealizm, parti y\u00f6n de\u011fi\u015ftirirken radikalle\u015fir ve sorun olu\u015fturmaya ba\u015flar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu durumda parti y\u00f6netimi iki \u015fey yapar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Harekete s\u00fcreklilik kazand\u0131ran idealizmin art\u0131k var olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, her \u015feyin para pul ve iktidar h\u0131rs\u0131na indirgendi\u011fini g\u00f6zlerden saklamak i\u00e7in taban\u0131 k\u00f6rle\u015ftirmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r. Yeni bir s\u00f6ylem tutturur: b\u00fcy\u00fck bir tehlike vard\u0131r; \u00fclke d\u0131\u015f g\u00fc\u00e7lerin sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131na ve i\u00e7 g\u00fc\u00e7lerin ihanetine maruz kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Engelleri a\u015fmak ancak partililerin t\u0131pk\u0131 f\u0131rt\u0131naya tutulmu\u015f koyun s\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fc gibi bir arada durmalar\u0131 h\u00e2linde m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olabilecektir.  \u00c7oban\u0131n pe\u015fine tak\u0131lmayan herkes haindir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ya da y\u00f6netim, hareketin varl\u0131k sebebini olu\u015fturan idealizmin kaybolmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, ilk g\u00fcnk\u00fc kadar canl\u0131 oldu\u011funu g\u00f6steren sahneler yaratarak, taban\u0131na ters gelen reel politik s\u00f6ylemini dengelemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r.  Bu ikili tutum tak\u0131yye gelene\u011fiyle yo\u011frulmu\u015f taban\u0131n diri kalmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mesela Reis \u201cMustafa Kemal\u2019in serencam\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin yol haritas\u0131d\u0131r\u201d derken, partisinin grup ba\u015fkan vekili devletin valisini de yan\u0131na alarak \u0130ngiliz muhibbi \u015feriat\u00e7\u0131 \u0130skilipli At\u0131f\u2019\u0131n mezar\u0131n\u0131 ziyaret eder.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ya da CHP\u2019nin ba\u015fkan\u0131 \u0130zmir caddelerini \u00fczerinde alt\u0131 ok, Mustafa Kemal ve kendi resmi olan posterlerle donat\u0131rken, \u201c\u0130skilipli At\u0131f Hoca\u2019ya nas\u0131l iadeyi itibar verilmi\u015f ise tabii ki \u00c7erkez Ethem\u2019e de iadeyi itibar verilmeli\u201d diyebilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saray yalakalar\u0131 \u201cAbd\u00fclhamid de Atat\u00fcrk de bizimdir\u201d diyerek Cumhuriyet Devrimi\u2019ni ink\u00e2r ederlerken her iki siyas\u00ee partinin de\u011firmenine ayn\u0131 anda su ta\u015f\u0131rlar, b\u00f6ylece ideolojik hegemonyay\u0131 takviye ederler.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Asl\u0131nda ana muhalefet ba\u015fkan\u0131n\u0131n i\u015fi \u00e7ok daha zordur.  Kendi varl\u0131k sebebini ortadan kald\u0131rmadan, yani etnik ve mezheb\u00ee olarak b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015f, idar\u00ee taksimat\u0131 \u201cyerel y\u00f6netimler \u00f6zerklik \u015fart\u0131\u201dna uydurulmu\u015f bir T\u00fcrkiye kurma amac\u0131n\u0131 fazla \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131karmadan parti taban\u0131ndaki bilin\u00e7li Kemalist radikalizmi nas\u0131l k\u00f6rle\u015ftirecektir? \u00dcstelik kendi taban\u0131 iktidar partisinin taban\u0131 kadar cahil de de\u011fildir.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

 Bask\u0131n ve sald\u0131rgan karakterli Reis\u2019in tam kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131n\u0131 oynamaya, \u201cHem temiz, hem de d\u00fcr\u00fcst bir insano\u011flu\u201d olarak \u00e7ocuksu bir safl\u0131\u011fa b\u00fcr\u00fcnmeye; b\u00f6ylece Saray\u2019dan korkan b\u00fct\u00fcn insanlar\u0131n olanca umudunu kendi \u015fahs\u0131nda toplamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mesela \u015fu s\u00f6zlerdeki safl\u0131\u011fa bakar m\u0131s\u0131n\u0131z?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cSay\u0131n G\u00fcl, en son k\u0131z karde\u015fimin vefat\u0131 dolay\u0131s\u0131yla arad\u0131. Ba\u015fka zamanlarda da g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerimiz oldu. Abdullah G\u00fcl, T\u00fcrkiye siyasetinin \u00f6nemli bir ismi, bunu kabul etmek gerekir. Ben bir soruya cevaben, ‘Neden Abdullah G\u00fcl’den korkuyorlar?’ dedim. K\u0131yamet koptu!\u201d <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Parti taban\u0131n\u0131n Ekmeleddin\u2019den niye ho\u015flanmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, Abdullah G\u00fcl\u2019\u00fc hangi sebeple Reis\u2019ten bile daha korkun\u00e7 buldu\u011funu, onu \u00f6vd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde neden k\u0131yamet koptu\u011funu anlamam\u0131\u015f gibi yap\u0131yor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cHangi strateji \u00e7ocuklar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n gelece\u011finden daha \u00f6nemli?\u201d diye soruyor. Taban\u0131 k\u00f6rle\u015ftirmeye, al\u0131\u015ft\u0131rmaya, oradaki radikalizmi uyu\u015fturmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yor. Tam olarak ba\u015faramasa da parti taban\u0131n\u0131n Saray\u2019dan kurtulma arzusuyla sessiz kalaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131, kendisine katlanaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 biliyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Reis\u2019le kol kola girerek CHP\u2019nin ge\u00e7mi\u015fiyle hesapla\u015f\u0131yor. 28 \u015eubat\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 yaralarla, ikna odalar\u0131na sokulan ba\u015f\u0131 kapal\u0131 k\u0131zlarla, Roboski\u2019yle hel\u00e2lle\u015fiyor.  Partisinin taban\u0131n\u0131 laiklik ve ulusal birlik konusunda k\u00f6rle\u015ftirmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yor.  Selahattin Demirta\u015f \u201chel\u00e2lle\u015fme\u201d \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6vd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc zaman ona te\u015fekk\u00fcr ediyor, \u201cBiz mutlaka bir gelecek in\u015fa etmeliyiz ve beraber in\u015fa etmeliyiz,\u201d diyor.   Fakat punduna getirdi\u011fi anda \u201cKandil\u2019i yerle bir ederim!\u201d diye ba\u011f\u0131rmaktan da geri durmuyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

B\u00fct\u00fcn bu tutars\u0131z tav\u0131r ve s\u00f6zlerin alt\u0131nda, \u00e7ocuklar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n gelece\u011finden daha fazla \u00f6nemsenen bir strateji yok mu?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Di\u011fer muhalefet partileri daha avantajl\u0131. En az\u0131ndan tabanlar\u0131nda tortula\u015fm\u0131\u015f radikalizm sorunu yok. Babacan ve Davuto\u011flu s\u00fctten \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f birer ak ka\u015f\u0131k olarak g\u00f6kten zembille indiler, politik olarak tamamen steril hevesk\u00e2r tipleri toplayarak partilerini kurdular: biri ekonomiden, di\u011feri d\u0131\u015f politikadan anlayan iki teknik devlet adam\u0131! Ak\u015fener\u2019in hel\u00e2lle\u015fme diye bir derdi zaten olamaz; suya sabuna, kritik meselelere hi\u00e7 dokunmadan, \u00d6zal\u2019\u0131n \u201corta direk\u201d dedi\u011fi toplumsal kesimle bulu\u015fmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yor. Rezaletin ayyuka \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131, Siyas\u00ee \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6kt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bir ortamda hep birlikte \u00e7ok kolay muhalefet yap\u0131yorlar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Fakat Saray\u2019\u0131n ve CHP\u2019nin i\u015fi zor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u015eeriat\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k ve laisizm gibi iki taban radikalizmini ayn\u0131 neoliberal program temelinde k\u00f6rle\u015ftirmek zorundalar.  Birisi Atat\u00fcrk\u2019e at\u0131f yaparak yeni bir \u201c\u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm s\u00fcreci\u201d imk\u00e2n\u0131 ar\u0131yor; di\u011feri muhafazak\u00e2rlarla hel\u00e2lle\u015ferek HDP\u2019yle gelecek in\u015fa etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yor. \u0130kisi de mecburen hukuk reformundan, demokrasiden s\u00f6z ediyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayn\u0131 iktisad\u00ee ve sosyal program\u0131 savunan, d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan \u201cdizayn\u201d edilmi\u015f tek bir b\u00fcy\u00fck siyas\u00ee partinin farkl\u0131 fraksiyonlar\u0131 gibi duran iktidar ve muhalefet partilerinin \u00e7arklar\u0131 parayla d\u00f6n\u00fcyor, s\u00f6ylemleri demagojiyle s\u00fcr\u00fcyor. Yurtta\u015f hangisi daha az zararl\u0131, hangisinin insan profili bana daha \u00e7ok benziyor diye d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcp \u00f6yle oy verecek.  Buna da demokrasi denecek. \u00d6yle mi?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yar\u0131m y\u00fczy\u0131l \u00f6nce \u201cFilipin tipi demokrasi\u201d diye bir kavram vard\u0131. \u00c7oktan unutuldu fakat \u015fu i\u00e7inde ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z sisteme \u015fa\u015f\u0131lacak kadar uygun d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyor. Bu sistemde politik etki alan\u0131 ve parlamento sadece emperyalizmin i\u015fbirlik\u00e7isi partilere, zenginlere a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. Di\u011fer \u201cmill\u00ee s\u0131n\u0131f ve z\u00fcmreler\u201din, yoksullar\u0131n bu alana girmesine izin verilmez. Eskiden bizim gibi \u00fclkelerin klasik burjuva parlamenter sistemlerden fark\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermek i\u00e7in kullan\u0131lan bir kavramd\u0131. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Medyas\u0131yla, tan\u0131t\u0131m \u015firketleriyle, yeni zenginleriyle, ya\u011fmalanan varl\u0131klar\u0131yla, yozla\u015fm\u0131\u015f belediyeleriyle d\u0131\u015fa ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 \u00f6yle bir sistem kurulmu\u015f ki parti kurup siyaset yapmak isteseniz bile ancak kenarda oynaman\u0131za izin verirler. \u00d6rg\u00fctl\u00fc bir halk g\u00fcc\u00fcyle kale kap\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 zorlamad\u0131k\u00e7a sesinizi duyan olmaz.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Neyse, uzatmayal\u0131m\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6zetle, 24 Ocak 1980 kararlar\u0131yla ba\u015flayan iktisat politikalar\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn izleri silinmedik\u00e7e; ger\u00e7ekten laik, demokratik ve sosyal bir hukuk devletinin temelleri yeni bir Toplum S\u00f6zle\u015fmesi\u2019yle at\u0131lmad\u0131k\u00e7a mevcut durum iyiye de\u011fil, ancak daha k\u00f6t\u00fcye gidebilir. Her defas\u0131nda size g\u00f6re k\u00f6t\u00fc olan\u0131n biraz iyisi ile iyi olan\u0131n biraz k\u00f6t\u00fcs\u00fc aras\u0131nda tercih yapars\u0131n\u0131z. Veryans\u0131n<\/em>, 03. 12. 2021<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Yavuz Alogan Parti taban\u0131 daima parti y\u00f6netiminden daha radikaldir. Y\u00f6netim, taban\u0131 sa\u011flam tutmak i\u00e7in hareketin temelini olu\u015fturan idealizmi k\u00f6r\u00fckler, \u00f6rg\u00fct a\u011flar\u0131n\u0131 kullanarak ona s\u00fcrekli gaz verir.  Fakat siyas\u00ee parti y\u00f6n de\u011fi\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in b\u00fcy\u00fck manevralara giri\u015fti\u011finde, onu s\u0131rt\u0131na al\u0131p iktidara ta\u015f\u0131yan ya da \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131karan, mesela ana muhalefet partisi yapan taban dalgalanmaya ba\u015flar. \u0130ktidara t\u0131rman\u0131rken, partiyi … <\/p>\n

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