{"id":930,"date":"2021-11-05T09:21:10","date_gmt":"2021-11-05T07:21:10","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/yavuzalogan.com\/?p=930"},"modified":"2021-11-05T09:21:10","modified_gmt":"2021-11-05T07:21:10","slug":"surekli-kriz","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"http:\/\/yavuzalogan.com\/?p=930","title":{"rendered":"S\u00dcREKL\u0130 KR\u0130Z"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
\"\"<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yavuz Alogan                        <\/p>\n\n\n\n

         Adalet ve Kalk\u0131nma Partisi, devleti d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrerek kendi suretinde yeniden yaratmaya kalk\u0131\u015fmasayd\u0131, se\u00e7im yoluyla iktidar de\u011fi\u015fimi krize yol a\u00e7madan, yumu\u015fak ge\u00e7i\u015fle sa\u011flanabilirdi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

         Saray ve k\u00fclliyesinin kendisini Devlet olarak tan\u0131mlamas\u0131, anayasay\u0131 ve yasalar\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirerek tek adam rejimine me\u015fru olmayan fakat yasal bir zemin olu\u015fturmas\u0131; Say\u0131n Reis\u2019in \u00fclkenin kaderiyle kendi kaderinin birle\u015fti\u011fini, memleketin ba\u015fka siyas\u00ee partilere teslim edilemeyece\u011fini alenen ilan etmesi, iktidar de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011finin krizlere ve f\u0131rt\u0131nalara yol a\u00e7madan ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesini neredeyse imk\u00e2ns\u0131z h\u00e2le getirdi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

         \u00dclkemizin tarihinde bu kadar acayip ve belirsiz bir durum g\u00f6r\u00fclmedi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

         AKP\u2019nin iktidara ad\u0131m att\u0131\u011f\u0131 andaki kriz durumuna bakal\u0131m:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

         May\u0131s 2002\u2019de Ba\u015fbakan B\u00fclent Ecevit\u2019in y\u00f6netme kabiliyetini kaybetmesi \u00fczerine DSP\u2019den istifalar ba\u015flad\u0131 ve partinin meclis grubu bir anda yar\u0131ya indi. 3 Kas\u0131m 2002 se\u00e7imlerinde iktidar bloku sand\u0131\u011f\u0131n dibine \u00e7ak\u0131ld\u0131, 1946\u2019dan beri ilk kez iki partili (AKP-CHP) bir parlamento olu\u015ftu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

         Mali krizin (2000-2001) \u00fcstesinden gelemeyen Ecevit H\u00fck\u00fcmeti D\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131\u2019ndan bir ajan (Kemal Dervi\u015f) getirerek onu Ekonomiden Sorumlu Devlet Bakan\u0131 yapm\u0131\u015f, b\u00f6ylece AKP d\u00f6neminin iktisadi altyap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 (kamuculu\u011fun topyek\u00fbn imhas\u0131, neoliberal k\u00fcresel kapitalizme tam teslimiyet!) haz\u0131rlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Parantez i\u00e7inde \u015funu da belirteyim ki ekonominin d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan getirilen ve g\u00f6revini tamamlad\u0131ktan sonra ortadan kaybolan bir ajana nas\u0131l teslim edilebildi\u011fini ben h\u00e2l\u00e2 anlayabilmi\u015f de\u011filim. Kimse bir \u015fey demedi; koalisyon h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin bakanlar\u0131 Dervi\u015f\u2019in talimatlar\u0131n\u0131 harfiyen yerine getirdiler, hi\u00e7bir \u015fey olmam\u0131\u015f gibi ortal\u0131kta dola\u015fmaya devam ettiler.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

         Elbette halk tepki g\u00f6sterdi. Yazar kasa f\u0131rlat\u0131ld\u0131; 11 May\u0131s 2001 g\u00fcn\u00fc esnaf Tando\u011fan Meydan\u0131\u2019nda isyan etti; TBMM\u2019ye y\u00fcr\u00fcmek isteyen, \u201cYoksullu\u011fa ve Yolsuzlu\u011fa Hay\u0131r!\u201d diye slogan atan, bankalar\u0131 ta\u015flayan \u00f6fkeli kitleyi polis havaya ate\u015f a\u00e7arak durdurabildi; mitingler b\u00fct\u00fcn T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye yay\u0131ld\u0131, Konya, \u0130zmir, Gaziantep, Mersin, Sivas ve Denizli\u2019de on binler y\u00fcr\u00fcd\u00fc.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

         Fakat AKP\u2019nin iktidara ge\u00e7i\u015f s\u00fcreci sorunsuz ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc o s\u0131rada, her \u015feye ra\u011fmen anayasal bir Devlet vard\u0131; kuvvetler ayr\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, siyasetten ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z denetleme kurumlar\u0131, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z yarg\u0131, sahici bir yasama meclisi, 28 \u015eubat\u2019\u0131n ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131na ra\u011fmen \u201cCumhuriyet\u2019i koruma ve kollama g\u00f6revi\u201dni AKP d\u00f6neminde de s\u00fcrd\u00fcrece\u011fi varsay\u0131lan ordu\u2026  Ahmet Necdet Sezer de \u00c7ankaya\u2019da oturuyordu. AKP\u2019yi sineye \u00e7eken siyas\u00ee toplum o s\u0131rada bunlara g\u00fcvendi. Cumhuriyet mitinglerine (2007) kat\u0131lan milyonlarca yurtta\u015f da son tahlilde bunlara g\u00fcveniyordu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

         \u015eimdi bunlar\u0131n hi\u00e7biri yok.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

         Saray ve b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00fclkeye yay\u0131lm\u0131\u015f K\u00fclliyesi \u00e7at\u0131rdarken, muhalefet partileri temel konular\u0131n hi\u00e7birine de\u011finmeden, ortaya AKP\u2019ye alternatif bir iktisad\u00ee ve sosyal program koymadan, oturduklar\u0131 yerden feryat ederek se\u00e7im kazanmay\u0131 umut ediyorlar.  Eski ve k\u0131smen de yeni burjuvazinin saf de\u011fi\u015ftirerek muhalefet partilerinden birine ya da hepsine y\u00f6nelmesi, ortada dola\u015fan Pinokyo karakterlerden birinin arkas\u0131na medya deste\u011fi koyarak netice almaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 an meselesi. 2001 kriziyle k\u0131yaslanamayacak kadar a\u011f\u0131r ko\u015fullara ra\u011fmen sokaklarda \u201c\u00e7\u0131t\u201d yok.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saray\u2019\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 yerden nas\u0131l indirilece\u011fi sorunu \u015fu anda \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcms\u00fczd\u00fcr ve ba\u015fl\u0131 ba\u015f\u0131na bir Devlet krizidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

         K\u00fclliye, kendi suretinde yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 mevcut Devlet\u2019i de pe\u015fi s\u0131ra s\u00fcr\u00fckleyerek \u00e7\u00f6kecek. Arkas\u0131nda muazzam bir bo\u015fluk b\u0131rakacak. Art\u0131k bir Saray darbesi mi olur, yoksa kan revan i\u00e7inde se\u00e7imlerden sa\u011f \u00e7\u0131kan bir parti ya da partiler koalisyonu iktidar\u0131 m\u0131 kapar; her ne olursa olsun, AKP\u2019nin yerini alacak g\u00fc\u00e7, bir Kurucu Meclis\u2019e yol vererek mevcut rejimi bir Toplum S\u00f6zle\u015fmesi\u2019yle k\u00f6kten de\u011fi\u015ftiremeyecek, laik demokratik ve sosyal bir hukuk devleti kuramayacakt\u0131r. Kitlesiz ve \u00f6rg\u00fcts\u00fcz kolay muhalefeti se\u00e7en siyas\u00ee partilerin bu y\u00f6nde kuvvetle savunduklar\u0131 tek bir g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f yok. Kapasiteleri de yok! Halk\u0131 tavlamak i\u00e7in ac\u0131kl\u0131 sahneler yaratarak a\u011f\u0131zlar\u0131na geleni s\u00f6ylemekle yetiniyorlar. Arada bir Atat\u00fcrk\u2019e \u201caslan kaplan\u201d diyen parti liderleri, laikli\u011fi ve tevhid-i tedrisat gibi Devrim Kanunlar\u0131\u2019n\u0131 \u00f6zenle unutturmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yorlar.  \u0130ktidara gelmeleri h\u00e2linde reformasyon benzeri hafif makyajlarla AKP\u2019nin kurdu\u011fu rejimin imk\u00e2nlar\u0131ndan yararlanacaklard\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

         Ba\u015fkanl\u0131k rejimi T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan dayat\u0131ld\u0131. Say\u0131n Reis\u2019in kafas\u0131nda do\u011fmu\u015f yarat\u0131c\u0131 bir fikir de\u011fildi.  T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de kuvvetler ayr\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 esas alan, denetleme mekanizmalar\u0131, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z yarg\u0131s\u0131, planlama te\u015fkilat\u0131 olan, normatif yap\u0131s\u0131 sa\u011flam bir Devlet; g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc sendikalar\u0131yla, dernekleriyle, \u00f6rgenle\u015fmi\u015f (b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn i\u015flemesini sa\u011flayan organik ama kendi ba\u015f\u0131na \u00f6zerk) kurumlar\u0131yla g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir toplum yap\u0131s\u0131 istemediler. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k demektir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6te yanda, her \u015feye karar veren, midesinden ve beyninden k\u00fcresel sisteme yakalanm\u0131\u015f, \u00fclke i\u00e7inden de\u011fil d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan denetlenen tek bir adamla muhatap olursan\u0131z, her istedi\u011finizi yapt\u0131rabilirsiniz.  Saray\u2019a bunu yapt\u0131rd\u0131lar, halk\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 bu rejime lay\u0131k g\u00f6rd\u00fcler.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

         Siyas\u00ee iktidar Saraylar dikerek, alt\u0131n varakl\u0131 tahtlara oturup saltanat kay\u0131\u011f\u0131na binerek; yoksuldan al\u0131p zenginin cebine koyarak, b\u00f6ylece iktidar\u0131n\u0131 tahkim etti\u011fini sanarak; u\u00e7uk ka\u00e7\u0131k bir d\u0131\u015f politikayla d\u00fcnyadan tecrit olup ba\u015f\u0131n\u0131 belaya sokarak ve en \u00f6nemlisi, halk\u0131 yabanc\u0131la\u015ft\u0131ran kusursuz bir yolsuzluk, talan ve kara para ekonomisi kurarak, kendisine d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan dayat\u0131lan ba\u015fkanl\u0131k rejimini abartt\u0131, i\u00e7inde oynamas\u0131 istenen s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 a\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

B\u00f6yle bir rejimin gerektirdi\u011fi diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc de kuramad\u0131.  \u00c7\u00f6kerken hi\u00e7 kuramaz. Diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck kurmak i\u00e7in gerekli bask\u0131 ayg\u0131tlar\u0131na, ideolojik t\u00fcrde\u015fli\u011fi olan kadrolara sahip de\u011fil. M\u00fcsl\u00fcman Karde\u015fler\u2019in kurucusu Hasan el-Benna\u2019n\u0131n foto\u011fraf\u0131 alt\u0131nda komando and\u0131 i\u00e7en ok\u00e7u zibidiler ya da ne yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kendisi de bilmeyen u\u00e7uk ka\u00e7\u0131k SADAT gibi \u00f6rg\u00fctlerle diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck kurmaya te\u015febb\u00fcs etmek tam bir intihar olur.  Gazeteciler ve muhalif medya, yirmi y\u0131l boyunca parayla ve yetkiyle \u015f\u0131mart\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bu gayrime\u015fru olu\u015fumlar\u0131n g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc abartt\u0131k\u00e7a, onlar da kendilerini bir \u015fey zannedip c\u00fcsselerini dev aynas\u0131nda g\u00f6rmeye ba\u015flad\u0131lar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

         Bizim halk\u0131m\u0131z i\u00e7 sava\u015f k\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 kendi elleriyle s\u00f6nd\u00fcr\u00fcr. 1970\u2019lerde bile kana susam\u0131\u015f kadrolarla onca u\u011fra\u015f\u0131p beceremedikleri \u015feyi g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde kimse beceremez. Mevcut tabloda tek bilinmeyen, \u00fcmmete kat\u0131lan be\u015f milyondan fazla m\u00fclteci ve g\u00f6\u00e7menin Saray i\u00e7in k\u0131sa vadeli kullan\u0131m de\u011feridir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

         Neyse uzatmayal\u0131m\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00d6zetle, mevcut Devlet krizi Saray\u2019dan gelebilecek bask\u0131c\u0131 hamlelerden \u00e7ok, iktidar\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 yerden nas\u0131l indirilece\u011fi ve ard\u0131nda b\u0131rakaca\u011f\u0131 bo\u015flu\u011fu kimin nas\u0131l dolduraca\u011f\u0131yla ilgilidir. Toplum S\u00f6zle\u015fmesi\u2019ni yenileyecek, halk\u00e7\u0131, kamucu, mill\u00ee bir iktidar alternatifi ufukta g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcnceye kadar mevcut kriz yeni f\u0131rt\u0131nalarla a\u011f\u0131rla\u015farak devam edecek, s\u00fcreklilik kazanacakt\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin kendisini yeniden tan\u0131mlamas\u0131, nas\u0131l bir d\u00fcnyada nereden gelip nereye gitti\u011fini anlamas\u0131, nas\u0131l bir \u00fclke oldu\u011funa ve olaca\u011f\u0131na karar vermesi gerekiyor. Veryans\u0131n, 05. 11. 2021\u00a0<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0 Yavuz Alogan                                  Adalet ve Kalk\u0131nma Partisi, devleti d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrerek kendi suretinde yeniden yaratmaya kalk\u0131\u015fmasayd\u0131, se\u00e7im yoluyla iktidar de\u011fi\u015fimi krize yol a\u00e7madan, yumu\u015fak ge\u00e7i\u015fle sa\u011flanabilirdi.          Saray ve k\u00fclliyesinin kendisini Devlet olarak tan\u0131mlamas\u0131, anayasay\u0131 ve yasalar\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirerek tek adam rejimine me\u015fru olmayan fakat yasal bir zemin olu\u015fturmas\u0131; Say\u0131n Reis\u2019in \u00fclkenin kaderiyle kendi kaderinin birle\u015fti\u011fini, … <\/p>\n

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