Yavuz Alogan<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irmek tek ba\u015f\u0131na devrimin ya da kar\u015f\u0131devrimin tamamlanmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamaz. \u0130ktidar\u0131 ele ge\u00e7iren siyas\u00ee partinin kendi program\u0131na uygun bi\u00e7imde devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131 d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmesi gerekir. Bu da yetmez. \u0130ktidar partisinin kendi ideolojisine hegemonik bir nitelik kazand\u0131rmak i\u00e7in siyas\u00ee toplumun, sosyal s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n ve \u00e7\u0131kar gruplar\u0131n\u0131n d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclen devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131na tam itaatini, onlar\u0131 raz\u0131 ederek ya da zor kullanarak sa\u011flamas\u0131; bunun i\u00e7in de r\u0131zaya ya da tahakk\u00fcme me\u015fruluk kazand\u0131ran yasalar \u00e7\u0131karmas\u0131 gerekir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Nazi Almanyas\u0131\u2019nda devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131n d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclmesi, b\u00fct\u00fcn devlet kurumlar\u0131n\u0131n ve birimlerinin Nasyonal Sosyalist program ve politikalarla e\u015fg\u00fcd\u00fcm\u00fc sa\u011flanarak ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirildi. Bu e\u015fg\u00fcd\u00fcm uygulamas\u0131na, elektrik ak\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n sadece tek bir y\u00f6nde akmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flayan bir elektronik ayg\u0131t\u0131n (Gleichrichter) ismi kullan\u0131larak Gleichschaltung denildi. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Halk\u0131n iradesini temsil eden F\u00fchrer, devlet kurumlar\u0131 ve parti \u00f6rg\u00fctleri arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla politikalar\u0131n halka aktar\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011fl\u0131yordu. Alman parlamentosu (Reichstag) ve eyalet parlamentolar\u0131 hem Alman anayasas\u0131na, hem de eyalet anayasalar\u0131na ters d\u00fc\u015fen yasalar \u00e7\u0131karabiliyordu. Bu uygulama 31 Mart 1933 tarihli Ge\u00e7ici Yasa\u2019yla ba\u015flat\u0131ld\u0131. Bu yasa, birka\u00e7 g\u00fcn \u00f6nce, 24 Mart 1933\u2019te \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lan Yetki Yasas\u0131\u2019n\u0131 tamaml\u0131yordu. Yetki Yasas\u0131, Nazi h\u00fck\u00fcmetine Reichstag\u2019\u0131n, yani parlamentonun onay\u0131 olmadan yasa \u00e7\u0131karma, gerekti\u011finde anayasadan sapma, uluslararas\u0131 anla\u015fmalar\u0131 sonu\u00e7land\u0131rma hakk\u0131; \u015eans\u00f6lye\u2019ye, yani Hitler\u2019e ise gerekti\u011finde bizzat yasa (kararname) \u00e7\u0131karma yetkisi veriyordu. Yetki Yasas\u0131 Reichstag\u2019da m\u00fczakere edildi ve normal parlamenter prosed\u00fcre uygun bi\u00e7imde, 94\u2019e kar\u015f\u0131 441 evet oyuyla kabul edilerek y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe konuldu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Asl\u0131nda Alman fa\u015fist devletinin do\u011fumu parlamenter y\u00f6ntemlerle \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lan bu iki yasayla ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti (1930\u2019larda Alman devletinin d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc i\u00e7in bkz., Fischer 2020, Mazower 2014, Kershaw 2009, Shirer 1960).<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Buraya kadar benzerlikten s\u00f6z edebiliriz. Saray h\u00fck\u00fcmeti ve Reis referandumlarla, yasalar ve kararnamelerle Devlet\u2019i ele ge\u00e7irdi ve tek y\u00f6nl\u00fc bir \u201cak\u0131m\u201d yaratarak devletin b\u00fct\u00fcn kurumlar\u0131 ve birimleriyle e\u015fg\u00fcd\u00fcm sa\u011flad\u0131. Herkesin bildi\u011fi ve fark etti\u011fi gibi, vali ve emniyet m\u00fcd\u00fcr\u00fcnden general, rekt\u00f6r, yarg\u0131\u00e7 ve il mill\u00ee e\u011fitim m\u00fcd\u00fcr\u00fcne kadar b\u00fct\u00fcn atamalarda liyakat de\u011fil sadakat g\u00f6zetilmi\u015f, kusursuz bir tek parti devleti \u015fimdiden kurulmu\u015ftur. Bu yap\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7inde, arkas\u0131nda ya da yan\u0131nda sahici bir ba\u015fka devlet, etkisini hissettiren \u201ck\u0131sm\u00ee devlet\u201d gibi bir \u015fey aramak sa\u00e7mad\u0131r. \u0130ktidar bloku i\u00e7inde elbette rekabetler, fraksiyonla\u015fma, \u00e7\u0131kar grupla\u015fmalar\u0131, saray entrikalar\u0131 vard\u0131r. Bunlara anlam y\u00fcklemek, bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak sistemin niteli\u011fini ve \u00e7\u0131kmazlar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6zden ka\u00e7\u0131rmaya yol a\u00e7ar. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bu rejim, Cumhuriyet\u2019in b\u00fct\u00fcn kazan\u0131mlar\u0131na tarihsel olarak kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kan \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc tarikat ve cemaatlerin gerici ve gev\u015fek koalisyonuna dayanmakta, toplumun \u00f6zellikle alt ve alt-orta s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131n muhafazak\u00e2r e\u011filimlerine hitap etmekte ve esas olarak Cumhuriyetin, ba\u015fta laiklik olmak \u00fczere kurulu\u015f ilkelerine meydan okumaktad\u0131r. Bu \u00f6zelli\u011fiyle Saray ideolojisi, iktisad\u00ee krizin vurdu\u011fu k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvazinin militanla\u015farak i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 m\u00fccadelesini bast\u0131rmak i\u00e7in seferber edildi\u011fi klasik fa\u015fizmden ayr\u0131l\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Burada \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma konusu, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ekonomik ya da siyas\u00ee taleplerinin a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 milliyet\u00e7i ve militan bir ideolojik tutumla bask\u0131 alt\u0131na al\u0131nmas\u0131 de\u011fildir. Esasen T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131fsal bilinci ve belle\u011fi etnik ve din\u00ee yap\u0131larla par\u00e7alanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Emperyalist kapitalist d\u00fcnya sisteminin T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 en b\u00fcy\u00fck ba\u015far\u0131 budur. Yurtta\u015f\u0131n yerini \u201cm\u00fc\u015fteri\u201d alm\u0131\u015f, insanlar\u0131 etnisite ve din\u00ee inan\u00e7lar\u0131na g\u00f6re b\u00f6len muazzam bir kimlik bunal\u0131m\u0131 yarat\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu karga\u015fa i\u00e7inde sendikalar ancak \u201ck\u0131dem tazminat\u0131\u201d gibi konularda b\u0131\u00e7ak kemi\u011fe dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131 zaman kendi varl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 koruyabilme tela\u015f\u0131yla s\u0131zlanmaktad\u0131rlar. Kald\u0131 ki 14,2 milyon i\u015f\u00e7inin sadece 1,9 milyonu sendikal\u0131d\u0131r. Bu kadar \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc bir i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 taleplerini kabul ettirebilir mi, genel grev yapabilir mi, ya da yapaca\u011f\u0131 \u015feye \u201cgenel grev\u201d denebilir mi? Kimse kendini aldatmas\u0131n.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Saray, k\u00fcresel kapitalizmin yerli i\u015fbirlik\u00e7isi olan, siyas\u00ee iktidar taraf\u0131ndan devletin kaynaklar\u0131 kullan\u0131larak y\u00fckseltilen yeni bir s\u0131n\u0131fa, rant\u00e7\u0131 ihale zenginlerine yaslanmaktad\u0131r. Ta\u015fra k\u00f6kenli, kasaba k\u00fclt\u00fcrl\u00fc bu yeni ve g\u00f6rg\u00fcs\u00fcz zenginler s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 servet edinme ve edindi\u011fi serveti muhafaza etme imk\u00e2nlar\u0131 darald\u0131k\u00e7a kendisine yeni bir siyas\u00ee temsilci arayacakt\u0131r. Bu aray\u0131\u015f daha \u015fimdiden iktidar partisinin taban\u0131n\u0131 b\u00f6lmeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Saray\u2019\u0131n tela\u015f\u0131 bundand\u0131r. Azami program\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ne \u00e7ekme ve her t\u00fcrl\u00fc muhalefeti bask\u0131 alt\u0131na alma, yurtta\u015flar\u0131n ileti\u015fim imk\u00e2nlar\u0131n\u0131 daraltma \u00e7abas\u0131n\u0131n sebebi budur. Kendi tarikat\/cemaat taban\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flam tutmaya, siyas\u00ee toplumun kendisine biat etmeyen b\u00fct\u00fcn kesimlerini hain olarak damgalamaya, \u00fclkenin d\u0131\u015f d\u00fc\u015fmanlar taraf\u0131ndan ku\u015fat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ilan ederek s\u00fcrekli bir sava\u015f durumu, ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc h\u00e2l yaratmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015facakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Saray, i\u00e7ine girdi\u011fi s\u00fcre\u00e7te, ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7ta kendisini \u201cmuhafazak\u00e2r demokrat\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlayan AKP\u2019den de uzakla\u015farak \u201cmuhafazak\u00e2r otoriter\u201d bir siyas\u00ee \u00e7izgiye kaymakta, b\u00f6ylece kendi sonunu haz\u0131rlamaktad\u0131r. Reis, \u00e7ok kutuplu d\u00fcnyada ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir akt\u00f6r olma hevesinden vazge\u00e7ip, \u015fantaj\u0131na maruz kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 Atlantik Sistemi\u2019ne yakla\u015farak jeopolitik tavizler verdik\u00e7e, \u00fclke i\u00e7indeki otoriter tutumunu art\u0131racak, sahte g\u00fcndemler ve hayali d\u00fc\u015fmanlar yaratarak iktidar s\u00fcresini uzatmaya, var g\u00fcc\u00fcyle bir se\u00e7im daha kazanmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015facakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Burada bizatihi siyas\u00ee iktidar\u0131n Cumhuriyet\u2019in kazan\u0131mlar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 bir kalk\u0131\u015fma hareketine giri\u015fmesi gibi benzersiz bir durum s\u00f6z konusudur. Ayasofya\u2019da yap\u0131lan din\u00ee devlet t\u00f6reniyle B\u00fcy\u00fck Kalk\u0131\u015fma ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Saray iktidar\u0131 bu t\u00f6renle hem b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fcnyaya hem de T\u00fcrk halk\u0131na Devlet\u2019in art\u0131k laik olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ilan etmi\u015f, Cumhuriyet\u2019i kuran kadrolar\u0131 lanetle anm\u0131\u015f ve toplumun hegemonyaya raz\u0131 edilemeyen kesimlerini mihraptan k\u0131l\u0131\u00e7 g\u00f6stererek tehdit etmi\u015ftir. Devlet mihraba elinde k\u0131l\u0131\u00e7la \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f ve laik topluma siyas\u00ee \u0130slam\u2019a biat etmesini \u201ctebli\u011f\u201d etmi\u015ftir. Bu, B\u00fcy\u00fck Kalk\u0131\u015fma\u2019d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Tarikat ve cemaat erbab\u0131 bu kalk\u0131\u015fmaya kat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, \u00f6n\u00fcne at\u0131lan \u0130stanbul S\u00f6zle\u015fmesi taviziyle yetinmeyerek \u201c\u015fimdi de\u011filse ne zaman, sen de\u011filsen kim?\u201d diyerek hilafet talep etmi\u015ftir. Hilafet talepleri y\u00fckselmeye ve yay\u0131lmaya ba\u015flay\u0131nca, Saray h\u00fck\u00fcmeti tela\u015flanm\u0131\u015f, tarikat ve cemaatlere d\u00f6nerek \u201c\u015fimdi de\u011fil fakat \u00e7ok yak\u0131nda, ilk se\u00e7im zaferinden hemen sonra\u201d demeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015f, bu arada n\u00fcfusun \u00f6teki yar\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 \u201cCumhuriyet g\u00f6zbebe\u011fimizdir, Mustafa Kemal\u2019i rahmet ve sayg\u0131yla y\u00e2d ediyoruz\u201d s\u00f6zleriyle yat\u0131\u015ft\u0131rmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Sahtek\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n, tak\u0131yye\u2019nin, art niyetlili\u011fin ad\u0131 \u201cpolitika\u201d olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Fakat Pandora\u2019n\u0131n kutusu a\u00e7\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, hilafet tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 Cumhuriyet tarihinde ilk kez \u00fclkenin g\u00fcndemine girmi\u015f, \u015feyh\u00fclislam c\u00fcppeli, Osmanl\u0131 Pa\u015fas\u0131 k\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 soytar\u0131lar sokaklarda boy g\u00f6stermi\u015f, c\u00fcppeli tarikat hocalar\u0131na asker sel\u00e2m\u0131 veren polislerin foto\u011fraflar\u0131 sosyal medyada yer alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu gerici unsurlar\u0131 Hitler\u2019in SA\u2019lar\u0131na, Mussolini\u2019nin Kara G\u00f6mleklileri\u2019ne ya da Franco\u2019nun Sivil Muhaf\u0131zlar\u2019\u0131na benzetmek durumu abartmak olur. Fa\u015fizm tarihsel, sosyolojik, teorik boyutlar\u0131 olan cidd\u00ee bir ideolojidir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Fakat Ayasofya \u00e7evresinde toplanan unsurlar\u0131n bir s\u00fcre sonra, 2000\u2019li y\u0131llar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda denedikleri gibi, sokaklara \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p yurtta\u015flara \u201ctebli\u011f\u201dde bulunmalar\u0131, Saray\u2019\u0131 yeni tavizlere zorlamalar\u0131 kimseyi \u015fa\u015f\u0131rtmamal\u0131d\u0131r. Saray \u00e7aresizlik i\u00e7inde tarikat ve cemaatleri kendisine ba\u011fl\u0131 tutarak daha sert bir OHAL y\u00f6netimi ya da seferberlik gibi f\u0131rsatlar kollamaya devam edecek, ul\u00fbfe da\u011f\u0131tarak, elindeki k\u0131t kaynaklar\u0131 yeniden b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrerek se\u00e7im kazanmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015facakt\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Alman fa\u015fizmiyle mevcut rejim aras\u0131nda sadece se\u00e7imle iktidara gelen bir cemaatin gizli bir tarikat gibi davranarak devleti ele ge\u00e7irmesi ve d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmesi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan benzerlik vard\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Be\u015ftepe Saray\u2019\u0131n\u0131n tarih i\u00e7indeki yeri 1909\u2019daki Y\u0131ld\u0131z Saray\u0131\u2019n\u0131n, Reis\u2019in yeri ise Sultan II. Abd\u00fclhamid\u2019in yan\u0131d\u0131r. Sokaklarda beliren hilafet\u00e7i kalabal\u0131k tarihsel olarak 31 Mart \u0130syan\u0131\u2019na kat\u0131lan yobazlar\u0131n yan\u0131nda yer almaktad\u0131r. Bu kalabal\u0131klar\u0131 top ve t\u00fcfekle destekleyecek Avc\u0131 Taburlar\u0131 hen\u00fcz ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmam\u0131\u015f fakat n\u00fcfusun yakla\u015f\u0131k yar\u0131s\u0131 Hareket Ordusu\u2019nun h\u00e2let-i r\u00fbhiyesine b\u00fcr\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Saray bizzat yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 krizi \u00e7\u00f6zebilecek ve demokrasi treninden inebilecek imk\u00e2nlara sahip de\u011fildir. <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Yavuz Alogan Devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irmek tek ba\u015f\u0131na devrimin ya da kar\u015f\u0131devrimin tamamlanmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamaz. \u0130ktidar\u0131 ele ge\u00e7iren siyas\u00ee partinin kendi program\u0131na uygun bi\u00e7imde devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131 d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmesi gerekir. Bu da yetmez. \u0130ktidar partisinin kendi ideolojisine hegemonik bir nitelik kazand\u0131rmak i\u00e7in siyas\u00ee toplumun, sosyal s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n ve \u00e7\u0131kar gruplar\u0131n\u0131n d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclen devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131na tam itaatini, onlar\u0131 raz\u0131 ederek ya … <\/p>\n