Yavuz Alogan<\/p>\n\n\n\n
S\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesiyle ilgili \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fclerde bulunurken tarihselli\u011fi g\u00f6z ard\u0131 etmemek gerekir. Ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi verili olan her mek\u00e2n ve zamanda d\u00f6nme dolap gibi hep ayn\u0131 noktadan hareketlenerek, ayn\u0131 a\u015famalardan ge\u00e7ip ayn\u0131 y\u00f6r\u00fcngeyi izleyerek y\u00fckselmez. S\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinde ezilen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n bilinci k\u00fcm\u00fclatif geli\u015fme g\u00f6stermez, yani birikerek geli\u015fmez. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, tarihseldir. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n iktisadi ve toplumsal krizlere devrimci bir kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k verebilmesi i\u00e7in pek \u00e7ok tarihsel ko\u015fulun bir araya gelmesi gerekir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
E\u011fer s\u0131n\u0131f bilinci zaman i\u00e7inde birikerek geli\u015fseydi, 19. asr\u0131n sonunda ve 20. asr\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda genel grevler ve siyas\u00ee eylemlerle y\u00fckselerek kapitalist toplum d\u00fczeninin temellerini sarsan i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 hareketinin g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde neden hi\u00e7bir \u00fclkede g\u00f6r\u00fclmedi\u011fini, Duvar\u2019\u0131n y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131ndan bu yana politik grevlerin, g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc sendikal hareketlerin neredeyse b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fcnyada neden s\u00f6n\u00fcmlendi\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131klayamazd\u0131k.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
S\u0131n\u0131f Laboratuar\u0131<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n, sanayi kapitalizminin geli\u015fme evresindeki gibi her kriz d\u00f6neminde bilin\u00e7lenerek, evreler h\u00e2linde \u201ckendisi i\u00e7in s\u0131n\u0131f\u201da d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fece\u011fini zannedersek, s\u00f6zgelimi \u0130ran\u2019daki g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin molla rejiminde neden yok oldu\u011funu, Rusya\u2019daki Oligarklar 1991\u2019deki Vorkuta madenci grevini bast\u0131rd\u0131ktan sonra bu \u00fclkede neden tek bir siyasi grevin g\u00f6r\u00fclmedi\u011fini, Romanya\u2019da 1989 darbesine \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck yapan madencileri Avrupa burjuvazisinin neden alk\u0131\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klayamay\u0131z. Demek ki tarihsel ko\u015fullardan, buna ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak de\u011fi\u015fim ge\u00e7iren ideolojik iklimlerden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi prati\u011fi yoktur. O h\u00e2lde i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 hareketlerini b\u00fct\u00fcn di\u011fer tarihsel ve politik ko\u015fullar\u0131n sabit oldu\u011fu, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin ge\u00e7imlik ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n tek de\u011fi\u015fkeni olu\u015fturdu\u011fu, laboratuar benzeri bir ortam varm\u0131\u015f gibi \u00f6ng\u00f6remeyiz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, sendikal m\u00fccadele imk\u00e2nlar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde kaybederek, \u00fcretimde otomasyon nedeniyle az say\u0131da i\u015f\u00e7inin \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck birimlere b\u00f6l\u00fcnerek neredeyse k\u00f6lele\u015ftirilmi\u015f, maddi ko\u015fullar bak\u0131m\u0131ndan kafa eme\u011fi ile kol eme\u011fi tarihin ba\u015fka d\u00f6nemlerinde g\u00f6r\u00fclmedik \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde birbirine yakla\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. D\u00fcnyan\u0131n en kalabal\u0131k n\u00fcfusunu \u201cyedek i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fc ordusu\u201d olu\u015fturmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n G\u00f6\u00e7men Proletarya<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n K\u00fcresel d\u00fczeyde muazzam emek g\u00f6\u00e7\u00fcn\u00fc de bu ko\u015fullara eklemek gerekir. Mesela 2006\u2019da Suudi Arabistan, Umman ve Bahreyn\u2019deki i\u015f g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn % 50-70\u2019ini, di\u011fer K\u00f6rfez \u00fclkelerinde % 80-90\u2019\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6\u00e7men i\u015f\u00e7iler olu\u015fturuyordu (Hanieh 2011, s. 108). \u00c7in\u2019de Mao Zedung zaman\u0131nda \u201cdemir pirin\u00e7 k\u00e2sesi\u201d olarak adland\u0131r\u0131lan i\u015f g\u00fcvencesi, asgari ge\u00e7im garantisi ve kat\u0131 istihdam sistemi, Deng \u015eiao Ping\u2019in \u201cFacai zhifu shi guangrong de\u201d (Zenginle\u015fmek \u00e7ok \u015ferefli bir \u015feydir) slogan\u0131yla birlikte ortadan kalkt\u0131 (Greider 2003, s.193). K\u0131rsal kesimden g\u00f6\u00e7 eden 200 milyon \u00c7inli emek\u00e7i, yerli ve yabanc\u0131 firmalarda k\u00f6lelik ko\u015fullar\u0131nda istihdam edildi. 2008 krizinde bunlar\u0131n 25 milyon kadar\u0131 i\u015ften at\u0131ld\u0131 (Standing 2017, s. 182). \u0130smini tart\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z \u0130stanbul III. Havaalan\u0131 in\u015faat\u0131nda \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan neredeyse tamam\u0131 g\u00f6\u00e7men i\u015f\u00e7ilerin durumu da i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n k\u00fcresel k\u00f6lelik ko\u015fullar\u0131na ili\u015fkin g\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcz\u00fcn \u00f6n\u00fcnde somut bir \u00f6rnek (\u00f6l\u00fcmler, tahta kurusu, \u00e7\u00f6pl\u00fckte ceset vs) olu\u015fturmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Piramit<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde iki \u00f6nemli olgu var. Birincisi; tekil \u00fclkelerde ve b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fcnyada i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 en tepede \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i aristokrasisi\u201d (Engels, 19. asr\u0131n ikinci yar\u0131s\u0131) diyebilece\u011fimiz bir kesimin, geni\u015f tabanda ise en zor ko\u015fullarda g\u00fcvencesiz \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan milyonlarca k\u00f6lenin bulundu\u011fu bir piramiti and\u0131r\u0131yor. \u0130kincisi; profesyonel meslek erbab\u0131, alt devlet b\u00fcrokrasisi ve ara s\u0131n\u0131flar (k\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fck, esnaf vs) klasik proletarya tan\u0131m\u0131na yak\u0131n bir sosyal konuma do\u011fru gerilemektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Yak\u0131n zamanda \u0130spanya, Portekiz, Yunanistan, M\u0131s\u0131r ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de g\u00f6r\u00fclen kitle hareketleri \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki y\u0131llarda d\u00fcnyan\u0131n her yerinde, a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ifade edilmese de \u201csosyal adalet,\u201d \u201ctoplumsal kalk\u0131nma\u201d ve ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k aray\u0131\u015f\u0131yla yeniden y\u00fckselecektir. Bu hareketler 1848, 1789, 1917 devrimci hareketleri gibi elbette kaotik bi\u00e7imler alarak ba\u015flayacakt\u0131r. \u0130nsanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n gelece\u011fini belirleyecek olan, bu kaotik hareketlerin dizginlerini kimin ele ge\u00e7irece\u011fi, hangi ideolojinin onlara \u00f6nderlik edece\u011fidir. Neofa\u015fist ve vah\u015fi din\u00ee ideolojilerle daha berbat bir kapitaliz mi, yoksa olanca (b\u00f6l\u00fcnmemi\u015f) tarihsel ve teorik birikimiyle sosyalizm mi? Ayd\u0131nl\u0131k<\/em>, 21. 09. 2018<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Yavuz Alogan S\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesiyle ilgili \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fclerde bulunurken tarihselli\u011fi g\u00f6z ard\u0131 etmemek gerekir. Ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi verili olan her mek\u00e2n ve zamanda d\u00f6nme dolap gibi hep ayn\u0131 noktadan hareketlenerek, ayn\u0131 a\u015famalardan ge\u00e7ip ayn\u0131 y\u00f6r\u00fcngeyi izleyerek y\u00fckselmez. S\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinde ezilen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n bilinci k\u00fcm\u00fclatif geli\u015fme g\u00f6stermez, yani birikerek geli\u015fmez. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, tarihseldir. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n iktisadi ve toplumsal krizlere … <\/p>\n