Yavuz Alogan<\/p>\n\n\n\n
B\u00fct\u00fcn bu olup bitenlerden bir sonu\u00e7 \u00e7\u0131karmak gerekirse, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin d\u0131\u015f g\u00fc\u00e7lerin y\u00f6nlendirmesine, daha do\u011frusu k\u00fcreselle\u015fmenin dayatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 siyas\u00ee yap\u0131 ve iktisadi modele direnemedi\u011fini, bunun i\u00e7in gerekli moral g\u00fcce ve iradeye sahip olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yleyebiliriz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u0130ster sa\u011fc\u0131, ister k\u0131smen solcu olsun ge\u00e7mi\u015fteki b\u00fct\u00fcn h\u00fck\u00fcmetler ve koalisyonlar, \u015fu ya da bu \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde durumu idare etmi\u015f, d\u0131\u015f dayatmalara kar\u015f\u0131 en az\u0131ndan baz\u0131 ilkesel s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 koruyabilmi\u015f, hatta sa\u011flam \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015flar yapabilmi\u015ftir; mesela Demirel ambargo kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda Amerikan \u00fcslerini kapatabilmi\u015f, Ecevit afyon ekim yasa\u011f\u0131na en sert tutumla kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kabilmi\u015f, Erbakan mill\u00ee ekonomiyi savunmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bu h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerin iktisadi modelleri de vard\u0131. Demirel d\u0131\u015fa ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 da olsa ithal ikameci karma ekonomi modelinden sapmam\u0131\u015f, Ecevit bir t\u00fcr \u0130skandinav Sosyalizmi\u2019ni and\u0131ran uygulamalar denemi\u015f; h\u00fck\u00fcmetler 5\u2019er y\u0131ll\u0131k kalk\u0131nma planlar\u0131n\u0131n belirledi\u011fi hedefleri g\u00f6zetmi\u015f, kamu kurumlar\u0131n\u0131 muhafaza ve m\u00fcdafaa etmi\u015f, laik ve bilimsel e\u011fitime a\u00e7\u0131ktan kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmam\u0131\u015flard\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
B\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra T\u00fcrk Silahl\u0131 Kuvvetleri, Kom\u00fcnizm-\u015eeriat\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k-B\u00f6l\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fck \u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcs\u00fcne kar\u015f\u0131 muhaf\u0131z rol\u00fc oynam\u0131\u015f, sadece \u00fclke s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fil Devlet\u2019in ideolojik s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 da korumu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Sapmalar<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Elbette b\u00fcy\u00fck sapmalar da olmu\u015ftur. Sa\u011fc\u0131, hatta k\u0131smen solcu iktidarlar oy u\u011fruna laiklikten taviz vermi\u015fler, feodal g\u00fc\u00e7lerin semirmesine g\u00f6z yummu\u015flar, sendikal m\u00fccadeleyi zay\u0131flatmak i\u00e7in ellerinden geleni yapm\u0131\u015flar, se\u00e7men deste\u011fi u\u011fruna kendi sa\u011flar\u0131ndaki ve sollar\u0131ndaki g\u00fc\u00e7lerin a\u015f\u0131r\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131na g\u00f6z yummu\u015flard\u0131r. Silahl\u0131 Kuvvetler, \u201cKom\u00fcnizm\u201de kar\u015f\u0131 verilen m\u00fccadeleyi, \u00fclkenin b\u00fct\u00fcn entelekt\u00fcel birikimini birka\u00e7 kez k\u00f6k\u00fcnden s\u00f6k\u00fcp yok edecek \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde \u015fiddetle ve ba\u015far\u0131yla tamamlam\u0131\u015f; fakat NATO\u2019nun patronu ABD Ye\u015fil Ku\u015fak Projesi\u2019ni ve b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015f T\u00fcrkiye haritalar\u0131n\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131nca fena h\u00e2lde bocalam\u0131\u015f, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir \u201cdoktrin\u201d geli\u015ftirmeyi ba\u015faramam\u0131\u015f ve emperyalizmin \u00fclkeyi b\u00f6lme ve iktidar\u0131 \u201claiklik kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 faaliyetlerin oda\u011f\u0131\u201dna teslim etme giri\u015fimi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda varl\u0131k g\u00f6steremeyerek a\u011f\u0131r kay\u0131plara u\u011fram\u0131\u015f, hatta kendi \u201ckomuta birli\u011fi\u201dni bile muhafaza ve m\u00fcdafaa edememi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n K\u0131r\u0131lmalar ve Heyel\u00e2n<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu uzun s\u00fcre\u00e7te ve s\u00fcrecin sonunda iki \u00e2ni k\u0131r\u0131lma ve 16 y\u0131l s\u00fcren bir heyel\u00e2n ya\u015fanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Birinci k\u0131r\u0131lma, \u00d6zal reformunu tamamlayan Dervi\u015f reformudur. Bug\u00fcn \u201cba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k elden gitti,\u201d \u201chalk \u00fcretimden koptu\u201d diye a\u011fla\u015fan o d\u00f6nemin bakanlar\u0131, devlet adamlar\u0131, hatta sosyal demokratlar\u0131 Dervi\u015f\u2019in esrarengiz bi\u00e7imde gelip y\u00fcr\u00fctme g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc ele ge\u00e7irerek yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 uygulamalar\u0131 a\u011f\u0131zlar\u0131 bir kar\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131k seyretmi\u015fler, hayretler i\u00e7inde kalm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. \u0130kinci \u00e2ni k\u0131r\u0131lma, 15 Temmuz darbe giri\u015fimidir. Devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131n sivil ve asker\u00ee kurumlar\u0131yla birlikte i\u00e7ten i\u00e7e nas\u0131l \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ortaya koymu\u015f, kuvvetler ay\u0131r\u0131m\u0131na dayanan 55 y\u0131ll\u0131k parlamenter sistemin hi\u00e7bir kamu denetimi kabul etmeyen bir ba\u015fkanl\u0131k rejimine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesi i\u00e7in gerekli ko\u015fullar\u0131 haz\u0131rlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n On alt\u0131 y\u0131l s\u00fcren heyel\u00e2n ise Cumhuriyet\u2019in b\u00fct\u00fcn kazan\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 beraberinde g\u00f6t\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Bamba\u015fka bir rejim, hi\u00e7bir Devlet mekanizmas\u0131yla denetlenmeyen bir tek parti y\u00f6netimi, bir t\u00fcr Reislik sistemi ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu rejimde, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z sendikalar, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z medya, tarafs\u0131z hukuk, \u00f6zerk \u00fcniversite yoktur. Tam bir ideolojik hegemonya ve keyf\u00ee y\u00f6netim vard\u0131r. Parlamento benzeri yap\u0131da Cumhuriyet Devrimi Kanunlar\u0131n\u0131n 8 maddesini kuvvetle savunan ve kendi varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bu kanunlarla tevhit eden tek bir siyas\u00ee parti kalmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. AKP d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda kalan siyas\u00ee toplum yeni rejimin \u00e7er\u00e7evesi i\u00e7inde me\u015fru bir konum edinmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan d\u00fc\u015fman gruplara b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Karag\u00f6z ile Hacivat<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Fakat \u00f6te yanda, b\u00fct\u00fcn belirtiler (iktisadi, konjonkt\u00fcrel vs) AKP iktidar\u0131n\u0131n \u00fc\u00e7 vakte kadar sona erece\u011fini g\u00f6stermektedir. Merkezin da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131 ve hi\u00e7bir partinin merkezi toplayamamas\u0131, iktisadi ve sosyal politikalar\u0131nda sadece n\u00fcans fark\u0131 olan karag\u00f6z-hacivat misali iki partili bir sisteme do\u011fru gidildi\u011fini g\u00f6stermektedir. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye dayat\u0131lan rejim ve siyas\u00ee sistem son tahlilde federatif bir \u0131l\u0131ml\u0131 \u0130slam cumhuriyetini hedeflemektedir. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te T\u00fcrkiye, farkl\u0131 anayasalarla y\u00f6netilen b\u00f6lgelere hatta kentlere b\u00f6l\u00fcnerek zamanla Yugoslavya gibi par\u00e7alanabilir; ya da ulusal birli\u011fini sa\u011flayarak, \u00f6zelle\u015ftirilen her \u015feyi kamula\u015ft\u0131rarak bir toplumsal kalk\u0131nma seferberli\u011fi i\u00e7inde tam ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z ve demokratik bir \u00fclkeye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015febilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Fakat yaz\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131ndaki yarg\u0131 de\u011fi\u015fmez: direnecek moral g\u00fcce, iradeye ve sa\u011flam kurumlara, sa\u011fc\u0131s\u0131yla solcusuyla gelece\u011fi g\u00f6rme kabiliyetine sahip de\u011filmi\u015fiz. Ayd\u0131nl\u0131k<\/em>, 25. 02. 2019 <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Yavuz Alogan B\u00fct\u00fcn bu olup bitenlerden bir sonu\u00e7 \u00e7\u0131karmak gerekirse, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin d\u0131\u015f g\u00fc\u00e7lerin y\u00f6nlendirmesine, daha do\u011frusu k\u00fcreselle\u015fmenin dayatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 siyas\u00ee yap\u0131 ve iktisadi modele direnemedi\u011fini, bunun i\u00e7in gerekli moral g\u00fcce ve iradeye sahip olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yleyebiliriz. \u0130ster sa\u011fc\u0131, ister k\u0131smen solcu olsun ge\u00e7mi\u015fteki b\u00fct\u00fcn h\u00fck\u00fcmetler ve koalisyonlar, \u015fu ya da bu \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde durumu idare etmi\u015f, d\u0131\u015f dayatmalara … <\/p>\n