Yavuz Alogan<\/p>\n\n\n\n
D\u00f6v\u00fc\u015fmesini ve silah kullanmas\u0131n\u0131 bilenler daha \u00e7ok do\u011fulu ve Karadeniz\u2019li \u00e7ocuklard\u0131. \u201cTeorisi iyi\u201d olan arkada\u015flar ile \u201cprati\u011fi iyi\u201d olanlar aras\u0131nda ayr\u0131m yap\u0131l\u0131rd\u0131. Mahir \u00c7ayan birinci gruba mensuptu. Fakat ikinci gruba da yatk\u0131n oldu\u011funu g\u00f6steren belirtiler vard\u0131. Bir keresinde Siyasal\u2019\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcnde dolmu\u015ftan indi\u011finde sald\u0131r\u0131ya u\u011fram\u0131\u015f, \u00e7antas\u0131nda bulunan bir k\u00e2\u011f\u0131t makas\u0131yla ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 bir savunma yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bir keresinde de Siyasal Yurdu\u2019nda bir dinamitin f\u00fcnyesi elinde patlam\u0131\u015f, yaralanmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131. O y\u0131llarda 18 ya\u015f\u0131nda bir gen\u00e7 annesinden ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 har\u00e7l\u0131\u011f\u0131 biriktirerek, mesela 1978\u2019de yanan Yiba \u00e7ar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki bir esnaftan Astra marka p\u0131r\u0131l p\u0131r\u0131l bir tabancay\u0131 yedek \u015farj\u00f6r\u00fc ve iki kutu mermisiyle sat\u0131n alabiliyor, cebinde dinamit lokumuyla gezebiliyordu. Bug\u00fcnden ge\u00e7mi\u015fe bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda bu m\u00fchimmat bollu\u011funun nas\u0131l m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olabildi\u011fi sorusu h\u00e2l\u00e2 yan\u0131t\u0131n\u0131 bekliyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Yirmili ya\u015flar\u0131ndaki Mahir \u00c7ayan\u2019\u0131n liderlik \u00f6zellikleri tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131zd\u0131. K\u00fcrs\u00fcye bir kucak dolusu kitapla \u00e7\u0131kar, hepsinden pe\u015f pe\u015fe al\u0131nt\u0131lar yaparak \u00e7ok uzun konu\u015furdu. Dinleyenler d\u0131\u015far\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p \u00e7ay i\u00e7erler, hatta \u00c7\u0131\u011f\u0131r Lokantas\u0131\u2019na gidip yemek yerler, d\u00f6nd\u00fcklerinde onu h\u00e2l\u00e2 kitaplardan al\u0131nt\u0131 yap\u0131p konu\u015furken bulurlard\u0131. 68 gen\u00e7li\u011finin, \u00f6zellikle \u00e7ocuklu\u011funda okuma al\u0131\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 edinmi\u015f olanlar\u0131, 1963-1970 aras\u0131nda a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 dozda devrimci teorik bilgiye maruz kalm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Bu a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 doz, devrimci m\u00fccadelelerin y\u00fckseldi\u011fi bir d\u00fcnyada, kendinden olmayan\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fman belleyen bir siyas\u00ee ortamda polis bask\u0131s\u0131na, \u00fclk\u00fcc\u00fc sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131na maruz kalan gen\u00e7li\u011fin devrimci d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceyi form\u00fclasyonlara indirgemesine, farkl\u0131 tarihsel ortamlarda geli\u015fen ve \u00e7ok farkl\u0131 ko\u015fullara tekab\u00fcl eden devrimci teorik g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri \u00f6yk\u00fcnme ve benzetme yoluyla benimsemesine, kal\u0131plar h\u00e2linde T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin \u00e7ok farkl\u0131 ko\u015fullar\u0131na uyarlamas\u0131na neden olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
1968-1972 aras\u0131, devrimci gen\u00e7lere d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme, anlama, kavrama bak\u0131m\u0131ndan f\u0131rsat tan\u0131mayan \u00e7ok s\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131k ve h\u0131zl\u0131 bir d\u00f6nemdi. Bug\u00fcnden bak\u0131l\u0131nca \u00e7ok uzun, fakat i\u00e7inde olan biri i\u00e7in s\u0131\u00e7ramalarla geli\u015fen \u00e7ok k\u0131sa bir d\u00f6nem.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Belle\u011fin sisleri i\u00e7inde, Ankara Hukuk Fak\u00fcltesi\u2019nin sigara duman\u0131yla t\u00fcts\u00fclenmi\u015f kalabal\u0131k toplant\u0131 salonunda, tahta bir masan\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda uzun boylu, g\u00fcr beyaz sa\u00e7l\u0131, siyah tak\u0131m elbiseli Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131 oturuyor. Latin Amerika \u00fclkelerinin -belki Vietnam\u2019\u0131n da- tarihsel ve toplumsal yap\u0131s\u0131yla T\u00fcrkiye aras\u0131ndaki farklar\u0131 tart\u0131\u015f\u0131yor. Hat\u0131rlad\u0131\u011f\u0131m kadar\u0131yla, oralarda m\u00fcmk\u00fcn ve makul olan bir eylem bi\u00e7iminin burada ge\u00e7erli olamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 anlat\u0131yor; \u201canar\u015fi\u201d ve macerac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ele\u015ftiriyor. Salonun \u00f6n sa\u011f taraf\u0131nda bordo kazakl\u0131, parkal\u0131 bir gen\u00e7 aya\u011fa f\u0131rlayarak salonu m\u00fcthi\u015f bir bilgi bombard\u0131man\u0131na tutuyor; herhalde Yankee emperyalizmi, III. Bunal\u0131m D\u00f6nemi, suni denge, oligar\u015fi gibi \u015feylerden s\u00f6z ediyor. K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131, \u201cSenin bildiklerin ya\u015f\u0131nla m\u00fcsavi, evlad\u0131m!\u201d diye kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k veriyor. Salonda g\u00fcl\u00fc\u015fmeler, sloganlar\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bir keresinde de SBF yurdunun giri\u015f kap\u0131s\u0131nda n\u00f6bet tutan gen\u00e7lere, az sonra gelecek gruba kimlik sormamalar\u0131 s\u00f6ylenmi\u015fti. Giri\u015f kat\u0131nda \u0131\u015f\u0131klar s\u00f6n\u00fckt\u00fc. Kantinin kapal\u0131 b\u00f6lmesindeki siyah beyaz televizyondan devrimci gen\u00e7lerin s\u00fcrekli dinledikleri polis telsizinin c\u0131z\u0131rt\u0131lar\u0131 geliyordu. Az sonra Deniz Gezmi\u015f, arkas\u0131ndan gelen b\u0131y\u0131kl\u0131 postall\u0131 parkal\u0131 ekibiyle giri\u015f yapt\u0131. H\u0131zla \u00fcst katlara \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131lar. \u00c7ok uzun y\u0131llar sonra baz\u0131 an\u0131 kitaplar\u0131n\u0131 okurken THKPC-THKO ayr\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n o gece ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015f olabilece\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fcm.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Avrupa\u2019da ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de 68<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Mahir \u00c7ayan\u2019\u0131n 1967\u2019de Fransa\u2019ya gitti\u011fini biliyoruz. 1968\u2019de Sorbonne ve Nanterre \u00fcniversiteleri i\u015fgal komitelerinin ba\u015flataca\u011f\u0131 68 Ayaklanmas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n gerilimini hissetmi\u015f, uzaktan da olsa tart\u0131\u015fmalara tan\u0131kl\u0131k etmi\u015f olmal\u0131. O y\u0131l Che Guevara\u2019n\u0131n kurdu\u011fu Bolivya Ulusal Kurtulu\u015f Ordusu (ELN) saflar\u0131nda faaliyet g\u00f6steren Regis Debray Bolivya\u2019da iki gazeteciyle birlikte tutuklanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Che Guevara birka\u00e7 ay sonra esir al\u0131nd\u0131 ve CIA taraf\u0131ndan katledildi. Bu olaylar\u0131n \u00f6zellikle Fransa\u2019daki \u00f6\u011frenciler \u00fczerinde etkisi b\u00fcy\u00fck oldu. Bu ortam\u0131n T\u00fcrkiye\u2019den gelen 21 ya\u015f\u0131nda bir genci etkilemi\u015f olmas\u0131 gerekir. Kent ve k\u0131r gerillas\u0131, \u201cantiemperyalist, anti-oligar\u015fik devrim\u201d gibi kavramlar\u0131 ilk kez o zaman duymu\u015f olmal\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Ancak bu etkilenme muhtemelen s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131yd\u0131. Bat\u0131\u2019daki 68 ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn bir reel sosyalizm prati\u011fini felsefi ve eylemsel anar\u015fizmle a\u015fmaya haz\u0131rlan\u0131yordu. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki 68 ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131 ise Marksist klasikler ve devrimler tarihiyle hen\u00fcz tan\u0131\u015f\u0131yordu. Avrupa\u2019dakileri etkileyen olaylar, 1956 y\u0131l\u0131nda Macaristan\u2019da yetkililere dilek\u00e7e vermek i\u00e7in y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015fe ge\u00e7en \u00f6\u011frencilere ate\u015f a\u00e7\u0131lmas\u0131, ard\u0131ndan Sovyet tanklar\u0131n\u0131n bu \u00fclkeyi ezip ge\u00e7mesi; daha sonra, 1968\u2019de \u00c7ekoslovakya\u2019n\u0131n i\u015fgali, \u00fcniversite \u00f6\u011frencisi Jan Palach\u2019\u0131n kendisini yakarak i\u015fgali protesto etmesi gibi olaylard\u0131. Onlar Frankfurt Okulu Marksistlerini, d\u00f6nemsel devrimci\/liberter filozof Herbert Marcuse\u2019\u00fc okuyorlard\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Buradaki 68 ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131 ise Mustafa Kemal ve CHP devrimcili\u011finden, 27 May\u0131s Devrimi\u2019nden, Talat Aydemir\u2019in 22 \u015eubat ve 21 May\u0131s darbe giri\u015fimlerinden, Mahir \u00c7ayan\u2019\u0131n da kat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 K\u0131br\u0131s mitinglerinden (\u201cYa Taksim, ya \u00d6l\u00fcm!\u201d) etkilenmi\u015fti. \u201c61 Anayasas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 k\u0131smi \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ortam\u0131\u201dnda ilk kez Marx, Engels, Lenin kitaplar\u0131, sosyalizmin tarihine ve g\u00fcncel devrimci m\u00fccadelelere ili\u015fkin kitaplar, Ankara\u2019n\u0131n \u201cBulvar\u201d\u0131ndaki B\u00fcy\u00fck Sinema\u2019n\u0131n asma kat\u0131nda, Erdal \u00d6z\u2019\u00fcn Sergi Kitabevi\u2019nin vitrininde g\u00f6r\u00fcnmeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Paris\u2019teki \u00f6\u011frenci i\u015fgal komiteleri 17 May\u0131s 1968 g\u00fcn\u00fc SSCB Kom\u00fcnist Partisi\u2019ne \u00e7ektikleri telgrafta \u015f\u00f6yle diyorlard\u0131: \u201cTitreyin b\u00fcrokratlar, uluslararas\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i konseylerinin g\u00fcc\u00fc sizi k\u0131sa s\u00fcre i\u00e7inde yok edecek! Ya\u015fas\u0131n Kron\u015ftad denizcilerinin ve Maknov\u015f\u00e7ina\u2019n\u0131n Tro\u00e7ki ve Lenin\u2019e kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelesi. Ya\u015fas\u0131n 1956 Budape\u015fte Konseyci ayaklanmas\u0131. Kahrolsun devlet!\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki 68 gen\u00e7li\u011fi ayn\u0131 d\u00f6nemde b\u00fct\u00fcn kahramanlar\u0131, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrleri ve eylemcileriyle birlikte uzun bir sosyalizm tarihinin hen\u00fcz ilk cildinin ilk sayfalar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6\u011frenmek durumundayd\u0131. Gen\u00e7li\u011fin temel slogan\u0131 \u201cTam Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z ve Ger\u00e7ekten Demokratik T\u00fcrkiye\u201d idi. Mill\u00ee Kurtulu\u015f Sava\u015f\u0131, \u0130stiklal-i Tam ilkesi; Vietnam ve Latin Amerika halk\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131nda Yankee emperyalizmine, Filistin halk\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131nda Siyonizm\u2019e kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele her zaman \u00f6n planda olmu\u015ftur. 1960\u2019larda ABD\u2019nin Vietnam\u2019da i\u015fledi\u011fi sava\u015f su\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 ara\u015ft\u0131rmak i\u00e7in filozof Bertrand Russel\u2019\u0131n giri\u015fimiyle kurulan \u201cUluslararas\u0131 Sava\u015f Su\u00e7lar\u0131 Mahkemesi\u201dnin \u00fcyesi olan T\u00fcrkiye \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi (T\u0130P) Genel Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Mehmet Ali Aybar\u2019\u0131n konu\u015fmalar\u0131, T\u0130P milletvekillerinin T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki Amerikan asker\u00ee \u00fcslerini, \u00fclkenin iktisad\u00ee ve asker\u00ee d\u0131\u015fa ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ilk kez a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kararak bu konularda alenen konu\u015fmalar\u0131 ve nihayet Mihri Belli\u2019nin Mill\u00ee Demokratik Devrim (MDD) tezi devrimci gen\u00e7lik \u00fczerinde b\u00fcy\u00fck bir etki yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n 60\u2019l\u0131 Y\u0131llar\u0131n Sonunda \u00d6\u011frenci Gen\u00e7lik<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin tarihinde \u00f6\u011frenci gen\u00e7lik hi\u00e7bir zaman 1960\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llardaki kadar farkl\u0131, kendine \u00f6zg\u00fc ve \u00f6zg\u00fcven dolu olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu d\u00f6nemin maddi ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ko\u015fullar\u0131 \u00e7ok farkl\u0131 bir \u00f6\u011frenci tipolojisi yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Altm\u0131\u015flar\u0131n sonu ayn\u0131 zamanda b\u00fcy\u00fck kentlerdeki \u00f6\u011frenci n\u00fcfusun artt\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u0131llard\u0131. K\u0131sm\u00ee refah art\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u00fcniversite \u00f6\u011frenimine olan talebi y\u00fckseltmi\u015f, \u00f6zellikle ta\u015fradan gelen \u00f6\u011frenci say\u0131s\u0131nda b\u00fcy\u00fck bir patlama olmu\u015ftu. Fakat \u00fcniversitelerin altyap\u0131s\u0131 ve \u00f6\u011frencilerin bar\u0131nma ko\u015fullar\u0131 \u00e7ok yetersizdi. Hem\u015ferilik ba\u011flar\u0131yla a\u00e7\u0131lan \u00f6\u011frenci yurtlar\u0131n\u0131n sefaleti, derslerde y\u00fczden fazla \u00f6\u011frenciye hocalar\u0131n mikrofonla ders anlatt\u0131klar\u0131 kalabal\u0131k amfiler, her yerde s\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131k ve huzursuzluk gen\u00e7leri etkiliyordu. \u00d6\u011frenci, \u201cyata\u011f\u0131n\u0131 denk yap\u0131p elinde tahta bavuluyla\u201d gelir; Sivas, Ni\u011fde, Diyarbak\u0131r gibi \u015fehir isimleriyle an\u0131lan k\u00f6hne bir binaya yerle\u015firdi. Yurt diye adland\u0131r\u0131lan bu binalar\u0131n, saz \u00e7al\u0131n\u0131p t\u00fcrk\u00fc s\u00f6ylenen, yemek, \u00e7ay ve \u015farap kokulu odalar\u0131nda, kesif bir sigara duman\u0131 alt\u0131nda derin sohbetlere girilirdi. Ne televizyon, ne internet ne de cep telefonu vard\u0131. \u00d6zellikle ta\u015fradan gelen \u00f6\u011frencilerin aileleriyle ba\u011flant\u0131lar\u0131 kopacak derecede azald\u0131, kendi aralar\u0131ndaki grupla\u015fma, dayan\u0131\u015fma ve birlik ruhu ise g\u00f6r\u00fclmemi\u015f derecede artt\u0131. <\/p>\n\n\n\n B\u00fcy\u00fck \u015fehre okuyup adam olsun diye f\u0131rlat\u0131l\u0131p at\u0131lan \u00f6\u011frenci kitlesi kendi gelece\u011fi d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda her \u015feyle ilgilenirdi: sinema, tiyatro, kitaplar, mitingler, i\u00e7ki ve kar\u015f\u0131 cinsle yak\u0131nl\u0131k. Onlar ya\u015flar\u0131na k\u0131yasla daha olgun, hayata ili\u015fkin deneyimleri ve fikirleri olan, edebiyata ve \u015fiire d\u00fc\u015fk\u00fcn, kavgac\u0131 ve b\u00fcy\u00fck m\u00fccadelelere adanmaya haz\u0131r a\u011f\u0131rba\u015fl\u0131 kad\u0131n ve erkek delikanl\u0131lard\u0131. Bat\u0131\u2019daki 68 ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131yla tek benzer nokta da burada ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yordu. Aile de\u011ferlerinden ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcnden h\u0131zl\u0131 bir kopu\u015f, \u00fcniversitelerin ders programlar\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7eri\u011finden, gelecek kayg\u0131s\u0131ndan ele\u015ftirel ve \u00e7ok h\u0131zl\u0131 bir uzakla\u015fma, yeni fikirleri inan\u0131lmaz bir ciddiyetle benimseme, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki 68 ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131n\u0131n da \u00f6nemli \u00f6zellikleriydi. \u00d6\u011frenci \u00e2leminde genel bir huzursuzluk, anlam aray\u0131\u015f\u0131 ve grupla\u015fma e\u011filimi vard\u0131. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu ortamda \u00f6\u011frenci kitlesi bir iki y\u0131l i\u00e7inde b\u00fcy\u00fck bir h\u0131zla ayr\u0131\u015ft\u0131 ve d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Tekil \u00f6\u011frenci bireylerin ya\u015fad\u0131klar\u0131 d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn h\u0131z\u0131n\u0131 bug\u00fcnden bak\u0131nca kavramak \u00e7ok zordur. Mesela b\u00fcy\u00fck \u015fehirde yeti\u015fmi\u015f s\u0131radan bir \u201ciyi aile (apartman) \u00e7ocu\u011fu\u201d bir iki ay i\u00e7inde belinde silahla okul damlar\u0131nda n\u00f6bet tutan, sokakta demir \u00e7ubukla d\u00f6v\u00fc\u015fen bir militana d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015febiliyordu. Herkes her \u015feyi okuyor ve h\u0131zla \u00f6\u011freniyor; fikrin ve teorinin \u201cen berrak\u201d ve \u201cen u\u00e7\u201d s\u00f6ylemini aray\u0131p buluyor ve savundu\u011fu \u015feyin do\u011frulu\u011funa kesinlikle inan\u0131yordu. 1968-1972 d\u00f6nemini 1974-1980 d\u00f6nemiyle k\u0131yaslarsak, devrimci gen\u00e7lerin birinci d\u00f6nemde \u00e7ok daha y\u00fcksek bir \u00f6zg\u00fcvene sahip olduklar\u0131n\u0131; bir ruh h\u00e2li olarak devrimcili\u011fin, farkl\u0131 ilgi alanlar\u0131yla ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel e\u011filimlerle \u00e7eli\u015fmedi\u011fini g\u00f6r\u00fcr\u00fcz. Marksist klasikler, Marx, Lenin, Mao, Giap, K\u00fcba Devrimi, Pomeroy, Marighella, Fanon, Baran-Sweezy-Magdof; ama ayn\u0131 zamanda Kafka, Rus klasikleri, Kazancakis, Brecht okunur, AST ve Halk Oyuncular\u0131\u2019nda devrimci tiyatronun ilk \u00f6rnekleri izlenir, Ruhi Su\u2019nun sesi her yerde duyulurdu. Sosyalizm ve devrim d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi, savunucular\u0131 toplum genelinde k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir az\u0131nl\u0131k olsa da \u00e7ok \u00fcst\u00fcn, neredeyse hegemonikti. Orta s\u0131n\u0131f aileler \u00e7ocuklar\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fccadelesine sayg\u0131 duyarlard\u0131. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Bilgiye ula\u015fmak zordu, ama ula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131z bilgi sa\u011flam ve g\u00fcvenilirdi. \u015eimdiki gibi her yerden, ekranlardan, k\u00e2\u011f\u0131tlardan, sokaklardan bilgi ya\u011fm\u0131yor; hangi bilginin sahte, hangisinin manip\u00fclasyon, hangisinin ger\u00e7ek oldu\u011funu anlamak i\u00e7in \u00f6zel bir maharet gerekmiyordu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Dev-Gen\u00e7 hareketi gen\u00e7li\u011fin tam ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa ve sosyalizme do\u011fru a\u00e7\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6nemin doru\u011fudur. \u00c7evresindeki di\u011fer \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc gruplarla birlikte bu hareket ger\u00e7ek anlamda kitleselle\u015fme potansiyeli ve sonuna kadar devrimci m\u00fccadeleyi s\u00fcrd\u00fcrme iradesi ta\u015f\u0131yan sahici bir g\u00fc\u00e7t\u00fc; daha \u00fcst bir \u00f6rg\u00fctsel yap\u0131ya evrilebilirdi. Zaman\u0131nda geri \u00e7ekilmeyi, taktik esnekli\u011fi becerebilse ve liderlerinin topyek\u00fbn imhas\u0131n\u0131 engelleyebilseydi, bug\u00fcnk\u00fc sosyalist hareket \u00e7ok farkl\u0131 olurdu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Dev-Gen\u00e7 ve Teorik Kopu\u015flar<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Mahir \u00c7ayan b\u00f6yle bir ortamda olgunla\u015ft\u0131. Mill\u00ee Demokratik Devrim (MDD) \u00e7izgisine ba\u011fl\u0131 farkl\u0131 fraksiyonlardan olu\u015fan Dev-Gen\u00e7 hareketinin en militan ve kararl\u0131 kesiminin teorik lideri tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131z bi\u00e7imde Mahir \u00c7ayan\u2019d\u0131r. Dev-Gen\u00e7 sadece \u00f6\u011frencilerle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 olmayan, grevlerde, toprak i\u015fgallerinde, t\u00fct\u00fcn f\u0131nd\u0131k mitinglerinde militanca m\u00fccadele eden, i\u015f\u00e7i \u00f6nderlerini de kapsayan sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131 bir kitle hareketiydi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Mahir \u00c7ayan b\u00fcy\u00fck \u015fehir \u00e7ocu\u011fuydu. Ortaokul ve liseyi \u0130stanbul Haydarpa\u015fa Lisesi\u2019nde okumu\u015f, 1963\u2019te \u0130stanbul Hukuk Fak\u00fcltesi\u2019ne kaydolmu\u015f, bir y\u0131l sonra Ankara Siyasal Bilgiler Fak\u00fcltesi\u2019ne (SBF) ge\u00e7mi\u015f, T\u0130P\u2019e \u00fcye olmu\u015f ve 1965\u2019te SBF Fikir Kul\u00fcb\u00fc Ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019na se\u00e7ilmi\u015fti. Konu\u015farak ve yazarak polemik yapma yetene\u011fiyle, okudu\u011fu kitaplardan hareketle \u00f6zg\u00fcn teorik sentezler olu\u015fturabilme becerisiyle \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Alayc\u0131 ve \u00f6zg\u00fcvenliydi. Bir toplant\u0131da, \u201cBiz genciz, hata yapabiliriz, niye bize hemen oport\u00fcnist yaftas\u0131 yap\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131yorsun,\u201d itiraz\u0131na, \u201cHakl\u0131s\u0131n\u0131z, bundan sonra size gen\u00e7 oport\u00fcnistler diyece\u011fim,\u201d diye kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k vermi\u015f; T\u0130P y\u00f6neticisi iktisat profes\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc \u201cEn usta Arap dans\u00f6zlerine ta\u015f \u00e7\u0131kartan bir k\u0131vrakl\u0131kla\u2026\u201d gibi s\u00f6zlerle ele\u015ftirebilmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Fakat fiili durumlarda centilmenli\u011fi elden b\u0131rakmam\u0131\u015f, mesela T\u0130P\u2019in 1970\u2019te yap\u0131lan olayl\u0131 Ankara \u0130l Kongresi\u2019nden sonra partiden ihra\u00e7 edilen arkada\u015flar\u0131yla birlikte Mithatpa\u015fa Caddesi\u2019ndeki T\u0130P Genel Merkezi\u2019ni bast\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, ba\u015f\u0131ndan yaralanan Sadun Aren\u2019in daha fazla zarar g\u00f6rmemesi i\u00e7in elinden geleni yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Mahir \u00c7ayan teorik konularda polemik yaparak \u00fc\u00e7 kopu\u015f ya\u015fad\u0131. Birincisinde, \u201cparlamentarizm teorisi\u201d diye adland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 Aybar\u2019\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerine kar\u015f\u0131 geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi \u201cMarksist teori\u201dyi savunarak Aybar-Aren-Boran\u2019a (ABA\u2019c\u0131l\u0131k) kar\u015f\u0131 \u201cideolojik m\u00fccadele\u201d verdi ve T\u0130P\u2019ten ihra\u00e7 edildi. Hemen ard\u0131ndan, Proleter Devrimci Ayd\u0131nl\u0131k hareketinin lideri Do\u011fu Perin\u00e7ek\u2019in \u201cProletaryan\u0131n mill\u00ee demokratik devrime \u00f6nderli\u011finin nesnel \u015fartlar\u0131 olu\u015fmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u201d g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc \u201cKemalistlerin kuyru\u011funa tak\u0131lmak\u201d olarak ele\u015ftirdi ve \u201cproletaryan\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z sosyalist partisi\u201dni kurmak gerekti\u011fini savundu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u0130kinci kopu\u015f, Mihri Belli\u2019nin Mill\u00ee Demokratik Devrim (MDD) anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131yla olmu\u015ftur. \u201cDevrimci milliyet\u00e7i\u201d diye adland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 Mihri Belli\u2019nin g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerine kar\u015f\u0131 \u201cproleter enternasyonalizmi\u201d olarak form\u00fcle etti\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc savunmu\u015f; \u201cmilliyet\u00e7ilik\u201d kavram\u0131n\u0131 \u201cyurtseverlik\u201d kavram\u0131ndan ay\u0131rm\u0131\u015f ve kopu\u015fu belgeleyen Ayd\u0131nl\u0131k Sosyalist Dergi\u2019ye A\u00e7\u0131k Mektup<\/em>\u2019ta \u015f\u00f6yle demi\u015ftir: \u201cBiz, devrimin, i\u015f\u00e7i-k\u00f6yl\u00fc ittifak\u0131 temeli \u00fczerinde emperyalist boyunduru\u011fun en zay\u0131f oldu\u011fu k\u0131rlardan \u015fehirlerin fethi rotas\u0131n\u0131 izleyen bir halk sava\u015f\u0131 ile zafere eri\u015fece\u011fini s\u00f6yl\u00fcyoruz. Bu devrim anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131nda k\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fck temel g\u00fc\u00e7t\u00fcr, proletarya \u00f6nder g\u00fc\u00e7t\u00fcr. Proletaryan\u0131n \u00f6nderli\u011fi ideolojik \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fckt\u00fcr.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc kopu\u015f, \u201csilahl\u0131 m\u00fccadele\u201d denilen s\u00fcre\u00e7 i\u00e7inde THKP\u2019nin i\u00e7indeki, geri \u00e7ekilmeyi savunan \u00f6nder kadrolar\u0131n bir k\u0131sm\u0131yla ya\u015fanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu kopu\u015flar, bir yaln\u0131zla\u015fma s\u00fcrecidir ve k\u0131sa s\u00fcre i\u00e7inde devletin bask\u0131 ayg\u0131tlar\u0131yla arkadan daha \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc ve g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc hareketlerin gelece\u011fi umuduyla giri\u015filen bir d\u00fcelloya d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Mahir \u00c7ayan\u2019\u0131n THKP(C) grubu, THKO\u2019lu bir grupla birlikte Dev-Gen\u00e7 kitlesinden h\u0131zla kopmu\u015f, \u00f6nc\u00fc i\u015f\u00e7iler ve k\u00f6yl\u00fcler aras\u0131nda bir bar\u0131nak ve g\u00fc\u00e7 kayna\u011f\u0131 edinemeyerek fakat kendi kararl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan da taviz vermeyerek \u00f6l\u00fcme do\u011fru y\u00fcr\u00fcm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Mahir \u00c7ayan\u2019dan bize kalan \u201cB\u00fct\u00fcn Yaz\u0131lar\u201d adl\u0131 kitapt\u0131r. Bu kitap onun teorik d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin nas\u0131l geli\u015fti\u011fini g\u00f6steren polemik yaz\u0131lar\u0131ndan; birinci b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc kendisinin yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131, ikinci ve \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc bizzat haz\u0131rlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 notlardan hareketle g\u00fcvendi\u011fi bir arkada\u015f\u0131na yazd\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 Kesintisiz Devrim<\/em> adl\u0131 \u00fc\u00e7 b\u00f6l\u00fcml\u00fck bro\u015f\u00fcrden olu\u015fmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Mahir \u00c7ayan\u2019\u0131n T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki devrimci sosyalist d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceye katk\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 iki noktada \u00f6zetlemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr: Birincisi, emperyalizmin d\u0131\u015fsal de\u011fil, i\u00e7sel bir olgu oldu\u011fu (\u201cgizli i\u015fgal\u201d), bu nedenle emperyalizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelenin s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z olarak ele al\u0131namayaca\u011f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesidir. \u201cYeni s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik\u201d tezlerini bu ba\u011flamda T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin somut ko\u015fullar\u0131na uyarlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u0130kincisi, \u201cdevrim\u201din m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011fu; T\u00fcrkiye gibi \u00fclkelerde parlamenter, legal m\u00fccadeleyle sonu\u00e7 al\u0131namayaca\u011f\u0131, legalizmin bir noktadan sonra devrimci m\u00fccadeleyi engelleyebilece\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Mahir \u00c7ayan, \u201c\u00d6nc\u00fc sava\u015f\u0131\u201dyla \u201csuni denge\u201d dedi\u011fi \u015feyi bozarak, \u201chalk sava\u015f\u0131\u201d y\u00f6ntemleriyle i\u015f\u00e7i ve k\u00f6yl\u00fc kitlelerini \u00f6rg\u00fctleyerek, \u201coligar\u015fik diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck\u201d dedi\u011fi s\u0131n\u0131f iktidar\u0131n\u0131 devirip, mill\u00ee demokratik devrimle \u201cyeni s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci\u201d emperyalist tahakk\u00fcme son vermeyi ve sosyalizme giden yolu a\u00e7may\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Bu stratejik \u00e7er\u00e7eveye uymayan b\u00fct\u00fcn g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri \u201coport\u00fcnizm\u201d ve \u201crevizyonizm\u201d kavramlar\u0131yla ele\u015ftirmi\u015ftir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Silahl\u0131 M\u00fccadele Prati\u011fi <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Yirminci y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ikinci yar\u0131s\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen silahl\u0131 devrimci hareketlerin, k\u0131r ve \u015fehir gerillas\u0131n\u0131n, basit bir m\u00fccadele diyalekti\u011fi vard\u0131. Devrimciler askeri bir eylemin ard\u0131ndan, devletin kar\u015f\u0131-sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131na dayanmay\u0131 ba\u015far\u0131p daha b\u00fcy\u00fck bir eylem ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirebiliyor, bu eylemin ard\u0131ndan gelen daha b\u00fcy\u00fck sald\u0131r\u0131larla ba\u015f edebiliyor, bu arada kitselle\u015febiliyor ve askeri yap\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131na siyasi yap\u0131lar\u0131 da ekleyerek bir denge durumu olu\u015fturabiliyorlarsa, siyasi iktidar\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irme imk\u00e2n\u0131na yakla\u015fm\u0131\u015f oluyorlard\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u00c7in\u2019deki gibi muazzam k\u00f6yl\u00fc kitlelerinin ordula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6rnekleri (kentlerin k\u0131rlardan ku\u015fat\u0131lmas\u0131 vs) saymazsak, bu sistemati\u011fin ba\u015far\u0131ya g\u00f6t\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc tek devrim \u00f6rne\u011fi K\u00fcba\u2019d\u0131r. Orada bile, ABD\u2019nin Batista rejimini devirme iste\u011fi, Granma<\/em> seferine \u00e7\u0131kanlar\u0131n sadece ikisinin (Che ve Raul) kendisini sosyalist olarak tan\u0131mlamas\u0131 (\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fcs\u00fc, harekete \u00e7ok sonra kat\u0131lan KP\u2019li Pablo Ribalta\u2019d\u0131r) gibi fakt\u00f6rler vard\u0131. \u00d6te yanda, Debray\u2019nin geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi \u201cfoco\u201d tarz\u0131 m\u00fccadele bir fantezi olman\u0131n \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7ememi\u015f, \u00f6zellikle Latin Amerika\u2019da binlerce devrimcinin kentlerde ve k\u0131rlarda katledilmesiyle sonu\u00e7lanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Dar kadrolu silahl\u0131 m\u00fccadele dinami\u011fini\/diyalekti\u011fini izleyen hi\u00e7bir devrimci hareket ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 olamad\u0131. Bug\u00fcn\u00fcn teknoloji ve denetim \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda karakol bas\u0131p silahlanarak, asker al\u0131p e\u011fiterek, garnizon bas\u0131p sava\u015f \u00e7\u0131kararak devrim yapma imk\u00e2nlar\u0131, 60\u2019l\u0131 ve 70\u2019li y\u0131llara k\u0131yasla yok denecek kadar azd\u0131r. Bu t\u00fcrden \u015feyler ancak muazzam toplumsal y\u0131k\u0131m durumlar\u0131nda, i\u00e7 ve d\u0131\u015f sava\u015f ko\u015fullar\u0131nda ya da yabanc\u0131 \u00fclkelerin politik \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na alet olarak ger\u00e7ekle\u015febilir. Ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle, bug\u00fcn\u00fcn d\u00fcnyas\u0131nda \u201csuni denge\u201dyi sadece kendi \u00f6zg\u00fcc\u00fcne dayanan silahl\u0131 dar kadrolarla bozarak kitleselle\u015fme imk\u00e2n\u0131 yoktur. \u00d6te yanda, her t\u00fcrl\u00fc gizlilik ve silahlanma \u00e7abas\u0131, en ileri teknolojiyi ve teknikleri kullanan d\u00fcnyan\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn istihbarat \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinin y\u00f6nlendirmesine a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. \u00dcstelik tarihte, Ohrana\u2019n\u0131n, CIA\u2019n\u0131n, BND\u2019nin, M\u0130T\u2019in, MOSSAD\u2019\u0131n vs i\u00e7ine s\u0131zmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 tek bir dar kadrolu, silahl\u0131 illegal \u00f6rg\u00fct yoktur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Buna ra\u011fmen Mahir \u00c7ayan, teori geli\u015ftirme \u00e7abas\u0131 ve kendine \u00f6zg\u00fc d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce sistemati\u011fiyle T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki sosyalist harekette bir d\u00f6n\u00fcm noktas\u0131 olmu\u015ftur. Devrimcinin, d\u00fczenin parametrelerinin d\u0131\u015f\u0131na \u00e7\u0131karak, anayasal ve parlamenter rejimin \u00f6tesinde d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmesi ve davranmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir. Bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce, geleneksel sosyalist hareketlerin tarihsel olarak marjinal kald\u0131\u011f\u0131, 60\u2019l\u0131 ve 70\u2019li y\u0131llarda \u201cdemokrat\u201d ile \u201cdevrimci\u201d aras\u0131ndaki ayr\u0131m\u0131n belirsiz oldu\u011fu T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de etkili olmu\u015f fakat geli\u015ftirilememi\u015ftir. Mahir \u00c7ayan kendi devrimci teori ve prati\u011fini de\u011ferlendirerek geli\u015ftirme imk\u00e2n\u0131na sahip olsayd\u0131, 70\u2019li y\u0131llar \u00e7ok farkl\u0131 ya\u015fan\u0131rd\u0131. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Mahir \u00c7ayan\u2019\u0131n eylemi, kitleden kopan ve devletle yaln\u0131z bir gladyat\u00f6r gibi \u00e7at\u0131\u015fan, kendi lider kadrosunu koruyamayan dar silahl\u0131 gruplar\u0131n, \u00fcstlerine \u00e7ektikleri devlet g\u00fcc\u00fc taraf\u0131ndan, yani mutlak g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc ve yetkilerini kullanma f\u0131rsat\u0131n\u0131 yakalam\u0131\u015f devlet eliyle nas\u0131l tecrit ve yok edileceklerini de g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir. \u00d6nder kadrolar\u0131n imha edilmesine f\u0131rsat veren bir \u201cdevrimci kararl\u0131l\u0131k\u201d kabul edilemez. Mevzileri korumak, g\u00fc\u00e7 toplamak i\u00e7in geri \u00e7ekilmeyi bilmek ve en \u00f6nemlisi \u00f6l\u00fcme \u00f6vg\u00fc d\u00fczmemek gerekir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n K\u0131z\u0131ldere\u2019de devlet Dev-Gen\u00e7\u2019le doru\u011funa ula\u015fan, i\u015f\u00e7ilere ve k\u00f6yl\u00fclere y\u00f6nelen kitlesel bir devrimci hareketin en bilin\u00e7li, en fedak\u00e2r kadrolar\u0131n\u0131 bir saat i\u00e7inde yok etti. Granma<\/em> seferine \u00e7\u0131kanlar\u0131n Sierra Maestra\u2019ya ula\u015famadan \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fcklerini, Lenin-Stalin-Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin 1917\u2019nin Temmuz ay\u0131n\u0131n sonunda kur\u015funa dizildiklerini, Mao Zedung\u2019un 1927\u2019de Kuomintang\u2019\u0131n yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 katliamdan kurtulamad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, Rosa Luxemburg\u2019un \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn Alman devrimi \u00fczerinde yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 etkiyi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnelim. K\u0131z\u0131ldere olay\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki b\u00fct\u00fcn sosyalist devrimciler \u00fczerinde ayn\u0131 etkiyi yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Daha ileri giderek \u015funu da s\u00f6yleyebiliriz ki K\u0131z\u0131ldere olay\u0131ndan sonra devrimci \u00f6rg\u00fctler \u00f6zg\u00fcn teori olu\u015fturma \u00f6zg\u00fcvenini kaybetmi\u015flerdir. Moskova, Pekin, Tiran, Havana gibi merkezlerin d\u0131\u015f politikalar\u0131n\u0131 teori diye savunan devrimci gruplar t\u00fcremi\u015ftir. Bu nedenle Mahir \u00c7ayan\u2019\u0131n bir devrimci teori olu\u015fturma \u00e7abas\u0131, 20\u2019li ya\u015flar\u0131nda bir gencin d\u00fcnyay\u0131 ve \u00fclkeyi anlama ve \u00f6zg\u00fcn bir \u201cdevrim teorisi\u201d geli\u015ftirme gayreti, g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerinin ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz bi\u00e7imde eklektik, eylemlerinin ise a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 tepkisel olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde de b\u00fcy\u00fck bir de\u011fer ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r. Mahir \u00c7ayan, somut ko\u015fullar\u0131n somut analizinde vahim hatalar yapmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen, asla geri d\u00f6nmeyerek sonuna kadar giden ve sava\u015farak g\u00f6\u00e7m\u00fc\u015f devrimciler Pantheon\u2019unda yerini alan onurlu ve lekesiz bir devrimcidir. Tarih i\u00e7inde hak etti\u011fi yer Che Guevara\u2019n\u0131n yan\u0131d\u0131r. Hikmet \u00c7i\u00e7ek, Devrimci Portreler<\/em> i\u00e7inde, K\u0131rm\u0131z\u0131 Kedi Yay\u0131nevi, 19. 10. 2018.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Yavuz Alogan D\u00f6v\u00fc\u015fmesini ve silah kullanmas\u0131n\u0131 bilenler daha \u00e7ok do\u011fulu ve Karadeniz\u2019li \u00e7ocuklard\u0131. \u201cTeorisi iyi\u201d olan arkada\u015flar ile \u201cprati\u011fi iyi\u201d olanlar aras\u0131nda ayr\u0131m yap\u0131l\u0131rd\u0131. Mahir \u00c7ayan birinci gruba mensuptu. Fakat ikinci gruba da yatk\u0131n oldu\u011funu g\u00f6steren belirtiler vard\u0131. Bir keresinde Siyasal\u2019\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcnde dolmu\u015ftan indi\u011finde sald\u0131r\u0131ya u\u011fram\u0131\u015f, \u00e7antas\u0131nda bulunan bir k\u00e2\u011f\u0131t makas\u0131yla ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 bir savunma … <\/p>\n