Yavuz Alogan<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Diyanet \u0130\u015fleri Ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n \u201cDin\u00ee Sosyal Te\u015fekk\u00fcller, Geleneksel Din\u00ee-K\u00fclt\u00fcrel Olu\u015fumlar ve Yeni Din\u00ee Y\u00f6neli\u015fler\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 raporunun, \u00fczerindeki \u201cgizli\u201d ibaresine ra\u011fmen, kapsaml\u0131 ve ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 bir istihbarat raporunun k\u0131salt\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ve kamuya a\u00e7\u0131lm\u0131\u015f versiyonu oldu\u011fu anla\u015f\u0131lmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Raporun ismi bile tarikat ve cemaatlerin Saray H\u00fck\u00fcmeti ve Diyanet taraf\u0131ndan me\u015fru ve faydal\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ortaya koymaktad\u0131r. Raporda bu me\u015fruiyet a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a dile getirilmekte, Devlet\u2019in bu kurumlar\u0131 desteklemesi talep edilmektedir: \u201c\u0130slam d\u00fcnyas\u0131na da \u00f6rnek olacak sa\u011fl\u0131kl\u0131 bir din\u00ee anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n ne\u015fv\u00fcnema bulmas\u0131, devlet akl\u0131n\u0131n bu kurumlar\u0131 desteklemesine ve \u00f6nlerini a\u00e7mas\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r\u201d (s. 22). Rapor, tarikat ve cemaat yap\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 \u201cT\u00fcrkiye\u2019de geleneksel \u0130slam anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n ya\u015fat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 en \u00f6nemli \u00e7evreler\u201d (s. 46) olarak g\u00f6rmektedir. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda Rapor, Anayasa\u2019da yer alan laiklik ilkesini ve laiklikle ilgili b\u00fct\u00fcn yasa h\u00fck\u00fcmlerini a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ihl\u00e2l etmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Rapor, \u201csa\u011fl\u0131kl\u0131 din\u00ee\u201d anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n ne oldu\u011funu, mevcut tarikat ve cemaatleri hangi \u0130slam\u00ee kriterlere g\u00f6re de\u011ferlendirdi\u011fini \u00f6zenle saklamaktad\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bu nedenle, metin boyunca, \u201cSahih \u0130slam anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131nda yeri olmayan baz\u0131 fikir ve s\u00f6ylemler\u2026\u201d (s. 188); \u201cOlu\u015fumun Ehl-i S\u00fcnnet\u2019e muhalif herhangi bir g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f ve eylemi\u2026\u201d (s. 193); \u201cEhl-i S\u00fcnnet gelene\u011fine ba\u011fl\u0131, \u015feriat-tarikat dengesini g\u00f6zeten bir \u00e7izgi\u2026\u201d (s.194); \u201cSahih din\u00ee bilgi, akl-\u0131 selim ve Ehl-i S\u00fcnnet itikad\u0131yla \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015fmeyen\u2026\u201d (s.205); \u201cGeleneksel tasavvufi yap\u0131larda bulunan ve sahih \u0130slam \u00f6\u011fretisi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan ele\u015ftirilen\u2026\u201d (s.146) gibi belirsiz ifadelere rastlanmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
B\u00f6yle bir raporda, cemaat ve tarikat yap\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n de\u011ferlendirilmesinde temel al\u0131nacak \u201csahih\u201d din\u00ee inanc\u0131n\/bilginin ne oldu\u011fu a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ortaya konulmal\u0131; baz\u0131 olu\u015fumlar\u0131n sapt\u0131\u011f\u0131, baz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n ise uyum sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve g\u00f6zetti\u011fi s\u00f6ylenen \u201cEhl-i S\u00fcnnet anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131,\u201d \u201c\u015feriat-tarikat dengesi\u201d gibi kavramlar a\u00e7\u0131klanmal\u0131yd\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bu konu \u00f6rt\u00fck b\u0131rak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in Saray H\u00fck\u00fcmeti\u2019nin ve Diyanet\u2019in bir \u201cmakbul \u0130slam\u201d anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na sahip oldu\u011fu, fakat bunu a\u00e7\u0131klamaktan ka\u00e7\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla rapor, me\u015fru g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc tarikat ve cemaatleri, Anayasa ve kanunlara g\u00f6re de\u011fil, bizzat a\u00e7\u0131klamaktan ve tan\u0131mlanmaktan ka\u00e7\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir \u0130slam anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na olan mesafelerine g\u00f6re de\u011ferlendirmektedir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Raporda yer alan tarih\u00ee perspektif ana hatlar\u0131yla ger\u00e7e\u011fe uygundur: Cumhuriyet\u2019in kurulu\u015fuyla birlikte din\u00ee olu\u015fumlar\u0131n illegal alana \u00e7ekilmesi, \u00e7ok partili d\u00f6nemle birlikte sa\u011fc\u0131 partilerin oy kayg\u0131s\u0131yla bu olu\u015fumlar\u0131 el alt\u0131ndan desteklemesi; 1980 askeri darbesiyle birlikte olu\u015fumlar\u0131n me\u015fruiyet kazanmas\u0131 ve Devlet kurumlar\u0131na n\u00fcfuz etmesi; AKP iktidar\u0131yla birlikte legale \u00e7\u0131karak sermayeyle b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fmesi; baz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n Ortado\u011fu\u2019daki a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 hareketlerin uzant\u0131s\u0131 h\u00e2line gelerek kontrolden \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 vs. Rapor bu uzun s\u00fcreci bir \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck m\u00fccadelesi gibi anlamaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Rapor, FET\u00d6 olay\u0131n\u0131 bir \u201cihanet eylemi,\u201d fakat ayn\u0131 zamanda nev-i \u015fahs\u0131na m\u00fcnhas\u0131r\u201d (s. 13) olarak de\u011ferlendirmekte ve \u015fu uyar\u0131da bulunmaktad\u0131r: \u201cCemaatlerin FET\u00d6 \u00f6rnek g\u00f6sterilerek ele al\u0131nmas\u0131, FET\u00d6 benzeri yap\u0131lar\u0131n bunlar aras\u0131ndan \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 ihtimali dile getirilerek bunlara yakla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki din\u00ee yap\u0131lar\u0131n tarihsel ger\u00e7ekli\u011fiyle ve dinamikleriyle uyumlu olmayan hatal\u0131 bir bak\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u201d (s. 13). Rapor, bu hatal\u0131 bak\u0131\u015f\u0131n benimsenmesi h\u00e2linde \u201csahih politikalar\u201d\u0131n (?) yanl\u0131\u015f bir noktadan ele al\u0131naca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve konunun \u201ckarma\u015f\u0131k\u201d h\u00e2le gelece\u011fini s\u00f6ylemektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Rapor, ekonomik n\u00fcfuz edindi\u011fini, devlete s\u0131zd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, siyasetle b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fti\u011fini uzun uzun anlatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 baz\u0131 din\u00ee olu\u015fumlar\u0131n FET\u00d6 benzeri yap\u0131lara d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fme ihtimalinin olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yleyerek kendisiyle \u00e7eli\u015fmekte, potansiyel tehlikeyi g\u00f6rmezden gelmekte; tarikat ve cemaatlere y\u00f6nelik koruyucu bir tav\u0131r tak\u0131nmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Rapor\u2019un \u015fu ama\u00e7larla yaz\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 anla\u015f\u0131lmaktad\u0131r: tarikat ve cemaatlerin Saray H\u00fck\u00fcmeti\u2019nin ve Diyanet\u2019in benimsedi\u011fi \u201csahih \u0130slam\u201d (?) anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 temelinde ideolojik birli\u011fini sa\u011flamak; bu olu\u015fumlar\u0131 gerekti\u011finde bask\u0131 ve zorla Saray H\u00fck\u00fcmeti\u2019nin ideolojik ve mali denetimine raz\u0131 etmek; tarikat ve cemaatlerin uluslararas\u0131 ba\u011flant\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 kesmek ya da denetlemek; \u015fiddet yanl\u0131s\u0131,\u201cmega idealler pe\u015finde ko\u015farak \u00f6zel bir misyonla hareket eden\u201d (s.223) \u0131slah\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmayan \u0130slam\u00ee gruplar\u0131 tasfiye etmek. Bu ama\u00e7lar Saray\u2019\u0131n toplum \u00fczerinde ideolojik hegemonya kurma hedefi ve faaliyetiyle uyumludur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Laik ve demokratik hukuk devletinde Diyanet \u0130\u015fleri Ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n kanunla belirlenmi\u015f g\u00f6revi, din i\u015flerini siyas\u00ee ve hukuki alandan ay\u0131rarak b\u00fct\u00fcn din\u00ee inan\u00e7lar\u0131 vicdan \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc alan\u0131nda tutmaktan, yurtta\u015flar\u0131n dini inan\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6zg\u00fcrce ya\u015famalar\u0131n\u0131 ve ibadetlerini yasal \u00e7er\u00e7evede yapmalar\u0131n\u0131 kolayla\u015ft\u0131rmak i\u00e7in gerekli tedbirleri almaktan ibarettir. Bu kurum herhangi bir siyas\u00ee iktidar\u0131n \u201cfetva makam\u0131\u201d olamaz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Raporda, tarikatlara ve cemaatlere yol g\u00f6sterecek ve denetlenmelerini sa\u011flayacak d\u00f6rt ayg\u0131ta i\u015faret edilmektedir: Hukuk, Diyanet \u0130\u015fleri Ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131, Mill\u00ee E\u011fitim ve \u0130lahiyat Fak\u00fclteleri. \u015eeffafl\u0131\u011f\u0131, mali denetim ve g\u00fcvenli\u011fi sa\u011flamak i\u00e7in, ge\u00e7 XIX y\u00fczy\u0131lda Osmanl\u0131\u2019n\u0131n tekkeleri denetleme ama\u00e7l\u0131 \u201cMeclis-i Me\u015f\u00e2y\u0131h\u201d tecr\u00fcbesinden yararlan\u0131laca\u011f\u0131 belirtilmektedir. Cumhuriyetin laiklik tecr\u00fcbesinden yararlan\u0131lmas\u0131 do\u011fal olarak beklenemezdi. Ayd\u0131nl\u0131k<\/em>, 09.08.2019<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Yavuz Alogan Diyanet \u0130\u015fleri Ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n \u201cDin\u00ee Sosyal Te\u015fekk\u00fcller, Geleneksel Din\u00ee-K\u00fclt\u00fcrel Olu\u015fumlar ve Yeni Din\u00ee Y\u00f6neli\u015fler\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 raporunun, \u00fczerindeki \u201cgizli\u201d ibaresine ra\u011fmen, kapsaml\u0131 ve ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 bir istihbarat raporunun k\u0131salt\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ve kamuya a\u00e7\u0131lm\u0131\u015f versiyonu oldu\u011fu anla\u015f\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Raporun ismi bile tarikat ve cemaatlerin Saray H\u00fck\u00fcmeti ve Diyanet taraf\u0131ndan me\u015fru ve faydal\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ortaya koymaktad\u0131r. Raporda bu me\u015fruiyet a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a … <\/p>\n