Yavuz Alogan<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Ayd\u0131nl\u0131k<\/em> gazetesinden kendi iste\u011fimle ayr\u0131ld\u0131ktan sonra bendeki Reis saplant\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n azalaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcm. Saplant\u0131 yaz\u0131lar\u0131 yava\u015f yava\u015f azalacak, yerini memleketin g\u00fcncel sorunlar\u0131yla ilgili yaz\u0131lara b\u0131rakacakt\u0131. Fakat \u00f6yle olmad\u0131. Tam aksine, saplant\u0131 s\u00fcrekli art\u0131\u015f g\u00f6sterdi. Elimde olsa Stefan Zweig\u2019\u0131 mezar\u0131ndan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131p ona Reis\u2019in biyografik roman\u0131n\u0131 yazd\u0131r\u0131rd\u0131m. Kendisi romana nas\u0131l bir isim verirdi bilemem fakat ben \u201cY\u0131ld\u0131z\u0131n S\u00f6nd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc Anlar\u201d ismini \u00f6nerirdim.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u00c7ok ilgin\u00e7 bir siyas\u00ee karakter s\u00f6z konusu. Kolay de\u011fil, ard\u0131nda 200 y\u0131ll\u0131k demokrasi ve h\u00fcrriyet m\u00fccadelesi olan doksan y\u0131ll\u0131k sert dokulu laik Cumhuriyet\u2019i, b\u00fct\u00fcn idar\u00ee ve iktisad\u00ee kurum ve kurallar\u0131yla tasfiye ederek siyas\u00ee \u0130slam\u2019\u0131n h\u00e2kim oldu\u011fu bir \u00fcmmet toplumu olman\u0131n e\u015fi\u011fine getirip b\u0131rakt\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Politik sezgileri, manevra kabiliyeti inan\u0131lmaz. S\u00fcrekli z\u0131playan, n\u00fcfuz alan\u0131n\u0131 geni\u015fletmeye, servetini \u00e7o\u011faltmaya, laik toplumla hesapla\u015fmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan onca tarikat\u0131, cemaati on parma\u011f\u0131n\u0131n alt\u0131nda on pire gibi tutup y\u00f6neterek ve semirterek bug\u00fcnlere getirdi. Milleti \u00fcmmete, yurtta\u015f\u0131 m\u00fc\u015fteriye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmek i\u00e7in azimle \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Memleketin b\u00fct\u00fcn iktisadi varl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131, hatta topraklar\u0131n\u0131 bile satt\u0131; hastay\u0131 bile hastanelerin talep etti\u011fi oranda k\u00e2rl\u0131 bir ticari meta olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131. Kimse sesini \u00e7\u0131karmad\u0131. <\/p>\n\n\n\n \u0130ktidara y\u00fckseldi\u011fi, \u201cdemokrasi\u201dyi savundu\u011fu d\u00f6nemde b\u00fct\u00fcn liberalleri, Kemalist ulus-devlet anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131yla hesapla\u015fmaya hevesli demokrasi budalas\u0131 i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i unsurlar\u0131 pe\u015finden s\u00fcr\u00fckledi. A\u00e7\u0131l\u0131m s\u00fcrecinde T\u00fcrk milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fini ayaklar\u0131n\u0131n alt\u0131na alarak 36 etnik gruba ifade ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc vaat etti.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Milletin derinlerden homurdanmaya ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc anda \u00e2ni bir manevrayla, birlikte yola \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 insanlar da dahil olmak \u00fczere pe\u015finden gelenleri silkeledi. Bu kez en sert milliyet\u00e7i partiyle ittifak kurarak iktidara tutundu. Fakat b\u00fcy\u00fck kazan\u0131mlar elde etmi\u015fti. Siyas\u00ee \u0130slam\u2019\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn siyas\u00ee partiler nezdinde dokunulmaz h\u00e2le getirmi\u015fti. Siyas\u00ee topluma \u201claiklik\u201d kavram\u0131n\u0131 unutturmay\u0131 ba\u015farm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. B\u00fct\u00fcn emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 fakir-fukara-garip-guraba\u2019ya d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201cAyd\u0131nlanma Sempozyumu\u201d d\u00fczenleyen bilimsel sosyalist bile \u201ccumalar\u0131 kazaya b\u0131rak\u0131r\u0131m, bayram namazlar\u0131n\u0131 asla ka\u00e7\u0131rmam; neticede hepimiz M\u00fcsl\u00fcman T\u00fcrk milletinin fertleriyiz\u201d gibi konu\u015fmaya ba\u015flad\u0131. Saray\u2019a gidip h\u00fck\u00fcmdar\u0131n dan\u0131\u015fmanlar\u0131yla poz vermekten \u00e7ekinmedi. Ge\u00e7mi\u015fte kendi yay\u0131n organlar\u0131nda Salman R\u00fc\u015fd\u00ee\u2019nin \u015eeytan Ayetleri<\/em>\u2019ni laiklik ve bas\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ad\u0131na yay\u0131mlayanlar, bu kez Yedi \u0130klimin Sultan\u0131 Efendimiz\u2019in g\u00fczelliklerini ve devlet adaml\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6vmeye, hatta \u201cOnun da kafas\u0131na i\u015fkembe ge\u00e7irmi\u015flerdi\u201d gibisine derin analojiler yapmaya, Reis\u2019in verece\u011fi g\u00f6revlere haz\u0131r olduklar\u0131n\u0131 alenen ilan etmeye ba\u015flad\u0131lar. Bu bir ideolojik hegemonya de\u011filse, nedir?<\/p>\n\n\n\n Reis\u2019in m\u00fcthi\u015f bir manevrayla T\u00fcrk Ordusu\u2019nu nas\u0131l tasfiyeden ge\u00e7irdi\u011fini, askeriyenin kozmik evraklar\u0131n\u0131 m\u00fcstevlinin casus \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcne nas\u0131l teslim etti\u011fini, son ana kadar kendi iktidar\u0131n\u0131 peki\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 fakat sab\u0131rla bekleyerek tam iktidara do\u011fru hamle etti\u011fi anda o namussuz ajan \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fc, elbette uzla\u015fma kap\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 aral\u0131k b\u0131rakarak nas\u0131l tasfiye etti\u011fini ve bu s\u00fcre\u00e7ten T\u00fcrk Ordusu\u2019nun ba\u015fkomutan\u0131 olarak nas\u0131l \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 anlatmaya gerek yok.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Muazzam bir politik sezgi, \u00fcst\u00fcn bir manevra yetene\u011fi olmadan b\u00f6yle \u015feyler yap\u0131labilir mi? Bir eli Chatham House\u2019da \u00f6teki eli El Nusra\u2019n\u0131n i\u00e7inde; jeopoliti\u011fi kullanarak ayn\u0131 anda hem ABD, hem Rusya, hem de AB\u2019yle dans etmek, dostluk ve i\u015fbirli\u011fini tehditlerle harmanlayarak, icab\u0131nda tavizler verip icab\u0131nda Kas\u0131mpa\u015fa raconuyla posta koyarak manevra yapabilmek az \u015fey midir?<\/p>\n\n\n\n Karizmatik, a\u00e7\u0131k s\u00f6zl\u00fc, g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc hatip; davas\u0131n\u0131 ve hedeflerini asla gizlemeyen bir lider. Daha ge\u00e7enlerde, \u201cBir M\u00fcsl\u00fcman dinini hayat\u0131n \u015fartlar\u0131na g\u00f6re de\u011fil, hayat\u0131n\u0131 inanc\u0131n\u0131n esaslar\u0131na g\u00f6re uyarlamakla m\u00fckelleftir,\u201d dedi ve ekledi: \u201c\u2026 \u0130slam bize g\u00f6re de\u011fil, biz \u0130slam\u2019a g\u00f6re hareket edece\u011fiz. Nefsimize a\u011f\u0131r gelse de hayat\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n merkezine d\u00f6nemin ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fil, dinimizin h\u00fck\u00fcmlerini yerle\u015ftirece\u011fiz.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n Anayasas\u0131nda h\u00e2l\u00e2 \u201claiklik\u201d ilkesi yaz\u0131l\u0131 bir \u00fclkenin Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 bunu s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor ve siyas\u00ee toplumun i\u00e7inden, \u00fcniversitelerden, sendikalardan tek bir ses y\u00fckselmiyor; tek bir toplu protestonun ihtimali bile kalmam\u0131\u015f. \u0130ktidar\u0131n ucundan az\u0131c\u0131k da bize ver, biz de vatan sava\u015f\u0131na kat\u0131lal\u0131m, ayr\u0131ca i\u015f ba\u011flar\u0131z, hari\u00e7ten sermaye celp ederiz, g\u00f6rev isteriz diyenlerden kuvvetli bir laiklik savunusunu zaten beklemiyoruz. Fakat \u0130lke ve \u0130nk\u0131l\u00e2plar\u0131 olan, Devrim Kanunlar\u0131\u2019yla kurulmu\u015f bir \u00fclkede, 17 y\u0131l gibi k\u0131sa bir s\u00fcrede b\u00f6ylesine hegemonik bir ortam yaratabilmek, kooptasyon (dahil etme, saflara kazanma) becerisi g\u00f6stermek bir lider i\u00e7in b\u00fcy\u00fck bir ba\u015far\u0131 de\u011filse nedir?<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u015eimdi diyeceksiniz ki \u201cMadem \u00f6yle, y\u0131ld\u0131z niye s\u00f6n\u00fcyor?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n B\u00fcy\u00fck davalar\u0131 olan siyas\u00ee iktidarlar geri d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fc olmayan bir noktaya geldiklerinde iktidarda kalmaya mahk\u00fbm olurlar. Bu mahk\u00fbmiyeti s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmenin iki \u015fart\u0131 vard\u0131r: iktidardan beslenen s\u0131n\u0131flara kaynak ay\u0131rmaya devam etmek ve de\u011fi\u015fim isteyen kitlelerde mutlu gelecek beklentisi yaratmak. Bu iki \u015fart ancak Kuzey Kore ya da \u0130ran gibi kapal\u0131 rejimlerde ve bir yere kadar sa\u011flanabilir. \u0130nsanlar\u0131n zorlanarak da olsa her t\u00fcrl\u00fc bilgiye ula\u015fabildikleri, \u201cdemokrasi\u201d g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmek zorunda olan yar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k rejimlerde avanta da\u011f\u0131tma imk\u00e2nlar\u0131n\u0131 k\u0131s\u0131tlayan iktisadi kriz ve kitlelerde gelecek beklentisinin kaybolmas\u0131 saraylar\u0131 y\u0131kar, saltanatlara son verir. Halk homurdan\u0131r, oy vermez. Zengin s\u0131n\u0131f ba\u015fka partilerin etraf\u0131nda toplanmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r. B\u00f6ylece y\u0131ld\u0131z s\u00f6nmeye ba\u015flar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Ara \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmler, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck reformlar, halk\u0131 rahatlatma \u00e7abalar\u0131 \u00e7are olmaz. Alexis de Tocqueville\u2019in (1805-1859) Frans\u0131z Devrimi\u2019ni incelerken s\u00f6yledi\u011fi \u015fu s\u00f6z evrenseldir: \u201cK\u00f6t\u00fc bir h\u00fck\u00fcmet i\u00e7in en tehlikeli an genellikle reform yapmaya ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 and\u0131r.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n AKP sahici bir reform yapamaz. G\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015f\u00fc kurtarmak i\u00e7in debelense de iktisadi krizin y\u00fck\u00fcn\u00fc yoksulla\u015fan halk\u0131n s\u0131rt\u0131na bindirmek, IMF\u2019yle el alt\u0131ndan i\u015f yapmak, halk\u0131 uyutarak fedak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011fa raz\u0131 etmek i\u00e7in \u015foven patlamalar yaratmak, mevcut tehlikeleri abartmak, b\u00fcy\u00fck komplo teorileri olu\u015fturmak, hatta sava\u015f \u00e7\u0131karmak zorunda kal\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u0130ktidarda kalma giri\u015fiminde yanda\u015flara b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00f6revler d\u00fc\u015fer. \u0130ktisadi krizin sorumlulu\u011funu 17 y\u0131ld\u0131r ekonomiyi k\u00fcresel vah\u015fi kapitalizme teslim eden, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en g\u00f6rg\u00fcs\u00fcz yeni zenginler s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 yaratan siyas\u00ee iktidara y\u00fcklemek, bu iktidar yanda\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131yla \u00e7eli\u015fir. Krizin y\u00fck\u00fc halk\u0131n s\u0131rt\u0131na bindirilecek; halk tasarruf yapacak, bir \u00e7ift \u00f6k\u00fcz\u00fcn\u00fcn ve \u00e7orab\u0131n\u0131n bir tekini ba\u011f\u0131\u015flayarak IMF programlar\u0131n\u0131 and\u0131ran kemer s\u0131kma politikalar\u0131yla Saray\u2019a yard\u0131mc\u0131 olacakt\u0131r. Almanya\u2019da \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131rken ne kadar fedak\u00e2r, disiplinli ve \u00e7al\u0131\u015fkan oldu\u011funu kan\u0131tlayan i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 yabanc\u0131lar\u0131n kuraca\u011f\u0131 fabrikalarda ucuz i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fc olarak istihdam edilerek de\u011fer \u00fcretecek, b\u00f6ylece kriz a\u015f\u0131lacakt\u0131r. \u0130ktidar\u0131n g\u00fcnahlar\u0131n\u0131 sineye \u00e7ekece\u011fiz, krizin y\u00fck\u00fcn\u00fc s\u0131rt\u0131m\u0131za al\u0131p Saray\u2019\u0131n yan\u0131nda duraca\u011f\u0131z. \u00d6yle mi? Say\u0131n Reis\u2019in geni\u015f bir mutabakat sa\u011flamas\u0131n\u0131, siyas\u00ee toplumun g\u00f6reve haz\u0131r unsurlar\u0131na ba\u015fvurarak, \u201cArkada\u015flar, ben y\u00f6netemiyorum, el at\u0131n da \u015fu gemiyi hep birlikte y\u00fczd\u00fcrelim\u201d demesini bekleyece\u011fiz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu t\u00fcrden yanda\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck tehlikesi, ulusalc\u0131-kamucu bir hareketin yolunu t\u0131kayarak insanlarda gereksiz beklentiler, sahte devrim hayalleri yaratmas\u0131 ve dolayl\u0131 olarak \u0130mamo\u011flu ya da Babacan gibi i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i unsurlar\u0131n yolunu a\u00e7mas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n T\u00fcrkiye o kadar basit bir \u00fclke de\u011fil. Halk\u0131 aptal yerine koyanlar her hamlede kendi mezarlar\u0131n\u0131 kazarlar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Peki ne olabilir? Reis\u2019in y\u0131ld\u0131z\u0131 s\u00f6nerken, \u0130mamo\u011flu ve Babacan gibi ipleri m\u00fcstevlinin elinde olan pinokyo karakterler iktidar\u0131 devral\u0131rlar ve neoliberal iktisat politikalar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrerek yeni bir d\u0131\u015fa ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 bask\u0131 rejimi kurarlar ki bu durumda de\u011fi\u015fen bir \u015fey olmaz. Ya da siyas\u00ee toplum kendi i\u00e7inden bir Kurucu \u0130rade \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131r, \u00f6zelle\u015ftirilen her \u015feyi kamula\u015ft\u0131rarak \u201claik, sosyal hukuk devleti\u201dnin temellerini yeni bir anayasayla in\u015fa eder. Bug\u00fcn\u00fcn d\u00fcnya ve \u00fclke ko\u015fullar\u0131nda ikincisine \u201cdemokratik devrim\u201d diyoruz. Me\u015fruti monar\u015fiyi and\u0131ran \u015fimdiki rejimi istemiyoruz. Veryans\u0131ntv<\/em>, 06. 12. 2019 <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Yavuz Alogan Ayd\u0131nl\u0131k gazetesinden kendi iste\u011fimle ayr\u0131ld\u0131ktan sonra bendeki Reis saplant\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n azalaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcm. Saplant\u0131 yaz\u0131lar\u0131 yava\u015f yava\u015f azalacak, yerini memleketin g\u00fcncel sorunlar\u0131yla ilgili yaz\u0131lara b\u0131rakacakt\u0131. Fakat \u00f6yle olmad\u0131. Tam aksine, saplant\u0131 s\u00fcrekli art\u0131\u015f g\u00f6sterdi. Elimde olsa Stefan Zweig\u2019\u0131 mezar\u0131ndan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131p ona Reis\u2019in biyografik roman\u0131n\u0131 yazd\u0131r\u0131rd\u0131m. Kendisi romana nas\u0131l bir isim verirdi bilemem fakat ben … <\/p>\n