{"id":1749,"date":"2025-01-26T10:28:41","date_gmt":"2025-01-26T08:28:41","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/yavuzalogan.com\/?p=1749"},"modified":"2025-01-26T10:28:41","modified_gmt":"2025-01-26T08:28:41","slug":"mukayeseli-mesruiyet-sorunlari","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"http:\/\/yavuzalogan.com\/?p=1749","title":{"rendered":"MUKAYESEL\u0130 ME\u015eRU\u0130YET SORUNLARI"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<figure class=\"wp-block-image size-full\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"500\" height=\"261\" src=\"http:\/\/yavuzalogan.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/01\/mukayeseli.jpeg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-1750\"\/><\/figure>\n\n\n\n<p>Yavuz Alogan<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>&nbsp;Asker\u00ee m\u00fcdahale ve darbe d\u00f6nemlerinde \u00fcniforma giyen Devlet sahan\u0131n tamam\u0131na h\u00fckmetmeyi ama\u00e7lad\u0131. Gazete patronlar\u0131n\u0131 ve yazarlar\u0131 tek tek denetleyerek bas\u0131n\u0131 sans\u00fcrlemeye, sivil b\u00fcrokrasiyi denetleyerek devlet kurumlar\u0131n\u0131 y\u00f6nlendirmeye, \u00f6\u011fretim \u00fcyelerini bask\u0131 alt\u0131na alarak \u00fcniversiteleri susturmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Buna ra\u011fmen tan\u0131nm\u0131\u015f hukuk\u00e7ular, sanat\u00e7\u0131lar, \u00f6\u011fretim \u00fcyeleri&nbsp; &nbsp;konu\u015fabiliyor, \u00fcnl\u00fc k\u00f6\u015fe yazarlar\u0131 kesintili de olsa ele\u015ftirilerini yazabiliyorlard\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>12 Mart d\u00f6neminde devlet g\u00f6revlileri sokakta \u00f6\u011frencileri kur\u015funlad\u0131. Se\u00e7kinlerden olu\u015fan dar bir kesimi hedef alan i\u015fkenceli sorgular Ziverbey K\u00f6\u015fk\u00fc gibi \u201cg\u00fcvenli evler\u201dde yap\u0131ld\u0131.&nbsp; 12 Eyl\u00fcl d\u00f6neminde, bu kez \u00e7ok daha geni\u015f bir kesimi hedef alan i\u015fkenceli sorgular, CIA\u2019n\u0131n pasifikasyon ayg\u0131t\u0131 olarak Ankara Emniyet M\u00fcd\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc i\u00e7inde kurulan Derin Ara\u015ft\u0131rma Laboratuvar\u0131\u2019nda (DAL) yap\u0131ld\u0131, asker\u00ee savc\u0131lar\u0131n iddianameleri i\u00e7in \u201cdelil\u201d topland\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Beyaz Toros\u2019larla gezen kimli\u011fi me\u00e7hul polisler soka\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kma yasa\u011f\u0131 ba\u015flad\u0131ktan sonra insanlar\u0131 topluyordu. Falaka ve manyeto, a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 yukar\u0131 90\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llara kadar b\u00fct\u00fcn emniyet m\u00fcd\u00fcrl\u00fcklerinde ifade al\u0131n\u0131rken kullan\u0131lan ba\u015fl\u0131ca \u00e2letlerdi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>O d\u00f6nemleri ya\u015fayanlar\u0131n bug\u00fcn\u00fcn g\u00f6zalt\u0131, tutuklanma, i\u015ften at\u0131lma, s\u00fcr\u00fclme gibi korkular\u0131n\u0131 anlamas\u0131 \u00e7ok zor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>12 Mart, 1961 Anayasa\u2019s\u0131nda revizyona giderek \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckleri k\u0131s\u0131tlad\u0131 fakat Millet Meclisi\u2019ne ve Cumhuriyet Senatosu\u2019na dokunmad\u0131.12 Eyl\u00fcl her ikisini de kald\u0131rd\u0131, \u00e7ift meclisli yap\u0131y\u0131 bozdu ve bir Kurucu Meclis marifetiyle yeni anayasa haz\u0131rlad\u0131. Fakat Devrim Kanunlar\u0131\u2019n\u0131 tart\u0131\u015ft\u0131rmad\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>12 Mart \u00fc\u00e7 y\u0131l s\u00fcrd\u00fc. 12 Eyl\u00fcl de \u00fc\u00e7 y\u0131l s\u00fcrd\u00fc fakat etkileri (s\u0131k\u0131y\u00f6netim vs) 1986\u2019ya kadar hissedildi. Her ikisi de parlamenter sistemin temellerini tahrip, parti liderlerini ise imha etmekten \u00f6zenle ka\u00e7\u0131nd\u0131.&nbsp; 1987\u2019ye gelindi\u011finde siyasi yelpaze darbe \u00f6ncesine d\u00f6nm\u00fc\u015f, belli ba\u015fl\u0131 liderler farkl\u0131 isimler ta\u015f\u0131yan eski partilerinin ba\u015f\u0131na ge\u00e7mi\u015flerdi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Demokratik sisteme m\u00fcdahale eden ya da ona son veren hi\u00e7bir asker\u00ee darbe ilk anda me\u015fru de\u011fildir. Ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 olmas\u0131 h\u00e2linde, zamanla me\u015fruiyet kazan\u0131r ya da kazanamaz. 12 Mart m\u00fcdahalesinin ve 12 Eyl\u00fcl darbesinin, ya\u015fanan felaketlere ve kay\u0131plara ra\u011fmen, halk nezdinde bir t\u00fcr me\u015fruiyete sahip oldu\u011fu ink\u00e2r edilemez. Askerler m\u00fcdahalenin ve darbenin me\u015fruiyetini \u201cen k\u0131sa zamanda demokratik sisteme d\u00f6n\u00fclece\u011fi\u201d vaadini \u0131srarla tekrarlayarak, halk\u0131 buna inand\u0131rarak sa\u011flad\u0131lar. Nitekim 1982 referandumunda 12 Eyl\u00fcl anayasas\u0131, her ne kadar zarflar mavi (ret) ve beyaz (kabul) kartlar\u0131 g\u00f6sterecek kadar \u015feffaf idiyse de, y\u00fczde 91,37\u2019yle kabul edildi.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Halk, \u015fu d\u00f6nem ge\u00e7sin, her \u015fey normale d\u00f6ns\u00fcn diye sabrediyor, buna inan\u0131yordu. Ka\u00e7ak gezen solcular aras\u0131nda bug\u00fcnk\u00fcne benzer bir umutsuzluk\/kay\u0131ts\u0131zl\u0131k yoktu, herkes d\u00f6nemin sona erece\u011fine, m\u00fccadelenin y\u00fckselece\u011fine inan\u0131yor, ba\u011flant\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 koruyor, yenilerini kuruyordu. Direnme hakk\u0131ndan s\u00f6z edilmiyordu ama alttan alta s\u00fcren bir direni\u015f haz\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 vard\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Askerler sonsuza kadar y\u00f6netmek, Devlet\u2019in b\u00fct\u00fcn kurumlar\u0131n\u0131 tahrip etmek, Anayasa d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesini ortadan kald\u0131rmak gibi bir niyet ta\u015f\u0131mad\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 her f\u0131rsatta g\u00f6sterdiler. Bizzat 12 Eyl\u00fcl cuntas\u0131 parti kurarak se\u00e7imlere girdi. May\u0131s 1983&#8217;te emekli bir orgeneral ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda Milliyet\u00e7i Demokrasi Partisi ad\u0131nda bir siyas\u00ee parti kurdular. \u00c7ok say\u0131da emekli generalin yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131, amblemi horoz olan bu parti, tam bir safl\u0131kla, \u201c12 Eyl\u00fcl ruh ve felsefesinin devam\u0131\u201d i\u00e7in halktan oy istedi. Halk yeterli oy vermeyince seslerini \u00e7\u0131karmad\u0131lar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>S\u0131k\u0131y\u00f6netim ko\u015fullar\u0131nda \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kan asker\u00ee yarg\u0131, mevcut ceza yasas\u0131n\u0131n ve usul hukukunun h\u00fck\u00fcmlerini uygulad\u0131. Yak\u0131ndan tan\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z avukatlar, duru\u015fmalarda ifadelerin i\u015fkenceyle al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 delillerle ortaya koyma f\u0131rsat\u0131 bularak mahkeme kararlar\u0131n\u0131 etkilediler. Ergenekon, Balyoz ve sonraki davalarda savunma makam\u0131n\u0131n ve san\u0131klar\u0131n mahkemeyi etkileme \u015fans\u0131 yoktu. Kararlar \u00f6nceden verilmi\u015fti.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Ve en \u00f6nemlisi, hem askerlerde hem de sivillerde k\u00f6kleri tarihin derinliklerine uzanan bir Anayasa Bilinci, hukuk devleti \u00f6zlemi vard\u0131. Anayasa Mahkemesine dokunulmad\u0131 mesela. Bir Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131\u2019n\u0131n ya da muktedir bir generalin \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p, Recep Tayyip Erdo\u011fan gibi \u201cAnayasa Mahkemesi\u2019nin verdi\u011fi karara uymuyorum, sayg\u0131 da duymuyorum\u201d (<em>AA<\/em>., 22. 16) demesi; ya da Devlet Bah\u00e7eli gibi, \u201cAnayasa Mahkemesi adalet ve hukuk d\u00fczeninin safras\u0131 ve sanc\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r\u2026 zulm\u00fcn yan\u0131nda bir mihrak olarak sivrilmi\u015ftir \u2026 kapat\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r\u201d (<em>AA<\/em>., 14 11. 23) \u015feklinde konu\u015fabilmesi, tahayy\u00fcl bile edilemezdi. Hukuk devleti aray\u0131\u015f\u0131 darbe d\u00f6nemlerinde darbecilerde bile vard\u0131, hi\u00e7bir d\u00f6nemde bug\u00fcnk\u00fc kadar ayaklar alt\u0131na al\u0131nmad\u0131.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de se\u00e7im kazanarak iktidara gelen hi\u00e7bir siyas\u00ee parti kendisini Devlet olarak \u00f6rg\u00fctlemeye te\u015febb\u00fcs de etmedi. \u0130ktidar partisinin devlette kadrola\u015fmas\u0131 ele\u015ftirilir, su\u00e7 say\u0131l\u0131rd\u0131.&nbsp; Yasama-yarg\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fctmeyi tek elde toplay\u0131p, Devlet Planlama Te\u015fkilat\u0131\u2019ndan TODA\u0130E\u2019ye kadar b\u00fct\u00fcn kurumlar\u0131 tasfiye edip yerlerini bo\u015f b\u0131rakmaya, medyay\u0131 havuzda toplay\u0131p borazan olarak kullanmaya, mill\u00ee ekonomiyi s\u0131cak parayla i\u015fleyen bir &nbsp;anonim \u015firkete d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmeye, mevcut Anayasa\u2019y\u0131 fiilen y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fckten kald\u0131r\u0131p iktidarda kalmak i\u00e7in s\u0131f\u0131rdan Anayasa yapmaya, ideolojik hegemonya kurmaya, ebediyen y\u00f6netimde kalma iste\u011fini il\u00e2n etmeye c\u00fcret eden tek bir siyas\u00ee iktidar bu \u00fclkede g\u00f6r\u00fclmedi.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Mevcut sistem, Padi\u015fah\u2019\u0131n naz\u0131r (bakan) atama yetkisini kald\u0131ran, Devlet ad\u0131na anla\u015fma yapma yetkisini k\u0131s\u0131tlayan 1876 Anayasas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n bile \u00e7ok &nbsp;gerisinde kald\u0131 (bu konuda bkz. Feroz Ahmad 1984.s. 82 vd.).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Ve en \u00f6nemlisi, siyas\u00ee iktidar me\u015fruiyetini kaybetti. &nbsp;2002\u2019de elde etti\u011fi me\u015fruiyeti 2017\u2019ye kadar ta\u015f\u0131yabildi, ondan sonra iktidardan d\u00fc\u015fme ve yarg\u0131lanma korkusuyla \u00f6rne\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fclmemi\u015f bi\u00e7imde denetimsiz bir tek adam y\u00f6netimi kurarak gard\u0131n\u0131 ald\u0131, me\u015fruiyet aray\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan vazge\u00e7ti.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Me\u015fruiyet siyas\u00ee iktidar\u0131n ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 kararlar\u0131n halk taraf\u0131ndan kabul edilmesiyle ilgilidir. H\u00fck\u00fcmet uygulamalar\u0131 halk\u0131n ma\u015feri \u015fuurunda (toplum vicdan\u0131nda) yer bulursa, me\u015frudur. Halk aras\u0131nda uzla\u015fmaz \u00e7eli\u015fkiler yaratarak milleti b\u00f6len, \u00fcmmetle ku\u015fatan iktidar\u0131n me\u015frulu\u011fu olmaz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Parti Devleti, son yedi y\u0131l i\u00e7inde me\u015fruiyetini tamamen kaybetti.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Siyaseten me\u015fru de\u011fil, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc atamayla g\u00f6reve getirdi\u011fi \u00e7ok dar bir kadroyla y\u00f6netiyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Ahlaken me\u015fru de\u011fil, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc kendinden olan\u0131n yolsuzlu\u011funa h\u0131rs\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131na, i\u015fledi\u011fi su\u00e7a g\u00f6z yumuyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Hukuken me\u015fru de\u011fil, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc Anayasa\u2019ya uymuyor, kanunlar\u0131 keyfi olarak uyguluyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Bu durumda siyas\u00ee partilerin ve siyaset yorumcular\u0131n\u0131n normal bir parlamenter sistem varm\u0131\u015f gibi davranmay\u0131 b\u0131rak\u0131p Saray y\u00f6netiminin me\u015fruiyetini sorgulamalar\u0131, me\u015fruiyetin batt\u0131\u011f\u0131 yerde direni\u015f hakk\u0131n\u0131n do\u011fdu\u011funu halka a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a s\u00f6ylemeleri gerekir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Siyas\u00ee iktidar\u0131n me\u015fruiyetini kaybetti\u011fi yerde normal bir devlet y\u00f6netiminden, iktidar\u0131n demokratik prosed\u00fcrle, se\u00e7imler yoluyla el de\u011fi\u015ftirme imk\u00e2n\u0131ndan s\u00f6z edilemez.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Saray\u2019\u0131n, ABD ve Avrupa\u2019da yak\u0131n zamanda y\u00fckselen pragmatist, a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sa\u011fc\u0131, \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmac\u0131 ak\u0131mlar\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 r\u00fczg\u00e2ra yelken a\u00e7arak kendi kar\u015f\u0131devrimini tamamlamak, y\u00f6netim bi\u00e7imini de\u011fi\u015ftirdi\u011fi Devlet\u2019in bu kez egemenlik yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131, yani \u00fcniter devlet niteli\u011fini de\u011fi\u015ftirmek istedi\u011fini; T\u00fcrk milletinin \u201cT\u00fcrk-K\u00fcrt-Arap \u00fcmmeti\u201d i\u00e7inde eritildi\u011fi Osmanl\u0131 benzeri bir federasyona y\u00f6nelmeye, kendi anayasas\u0131n\u0131 topluma zorla kabul ettirerek iktidar\u0131na s\u00fcreklilik kazand\u0131rmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 anl\u0131yoruz.&nbsp; Yarg\u0131lanma korkusuyla, servetini kaybetme kayg\u0131s\u0131yla \u201cileriye ka\u00e7\u0131\u015f\u201d \u00e7abas\u0131 g\u00f6steriyor. Fakat ilerisi yok. &nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Yirmi y\u0131l\u0131n yorgunlu\u011funu ta\u015f\u0131yan, \u015f\u0131mar\u0131k kadrolar\u0131 servete doymu\u015f, iyice tatmin olarak rehavete kap\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, rezaletleriyle \u00fcn salm\u0131\u015f; ne ekonomiyi ne e\u011fitimi ne de sa\u011fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u00f6netebilen, tam bir y\u00f6netim zafiyeti i\u00e7inde se\u00e7men taban\u0131 giderek daralan Saray iktidar\u0131n\u0131n bu kadar y\u00fckse\u011fe yerle\u015ftirilmi\u015f bir \u00e7\u0131tay\u0131 a\u015fabilmesi kesinlikle imk\u00e2ns\u0131z. Devletin bask\u0131 ayg\u0131tlar\u0131n\u0131n, asker ve polisinin, me\u015frulu\u011fu tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 iktidar\u0131n nihai hedefleri i\u00e7in sonuna kadar militanl\u0131k etmesi, parti kadrosu gibi davranmas\u0131 da beklenemez. Kriz derinle\u015ftik\u00e7e \u00f6nlerine \u201cCumhuriyet mi, Saray m\u0131?\u201d ikilemi \u00e7\u0131kacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Say\u0131n Reis kendi partisinin birli\u011fini sa\u011flamakta, davaya yabanc\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 parti i\u00e7i k\u00fcsk\u00fcnleri inand\u0131rmakta zorlan\u0131yor, il kongrelerini dola\u015farak tabana umut a\u015f\u0131lamaya, taraftarlar\u0131n\u0131 aya\u011fa kald\u0131rmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yor. Kendi partisinden bile emin de\u011fil, Hakikat \u00c2n\u0131 geldi\u011finde bask\u0131 ayg\u0131tlar\u0131n\u0131n mutlak sadakatinden nas\u0131l emin olacak?<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>\u201cHer g\u00fcn birinizi, bir g\u00fcn hepinizi alaca\u011f\u0131z\u201d diyen a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 derecede \u015f\u0131mart\u0131lm\u0131\u015f gerici h\u00f6d\u00fcklerin bunu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmeleri gerekmez mi? &nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Saray\u2019a muhalif olan sa\u011fc\u0131 solcu b\u00fct\u00fcn vatansever siyas\u00ee partilerin, derneklerin, dergi ve internet sitesi \u00e7evrelerinin, laik demokratik sosyal hukuk devletini yeniden kurma hedefinde birle\u015ferek direnmeleri, Saray Rejimi\u2019nin sonunu getirecektir. Bug\u00fcn\u00fcn eylem bi\u00e7imi kitlesel y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015f ve mitingler, temel slogan\u0131 \u201cKahrolsun \u0130stibdat Ya\u015fas\u0131n H\u00fcrriyet,\u201d esas talebi ise \u201cH\u00fck\u00fcmet \u0130stifa\u201d olmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Tehlikeler, yak\u0131n ve uzak olmak \u00fczere ikiye ayr\u0131l\u0131r. &nbsp;Yak\u0131n tehlikeyi savu\u015fturmak i\u00e7in ki\u015filerin gruplar\u0131n partilerin gelmi\u015fine ge\u00e7mi\u015fine, ka\u015f\u0131na g\u00f6z\u00fcne, m\u00fcktesebat\u0131na bakmadan g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc olan herkesle hemen \u015fimdi ittifak kurmak gerekir. &nbsp;Kendi k\u00fcmesinin kapal\u0131 ortam\u0131ndan d\u0131\u015far\u0131ya \u00f6ten her horoz, sadece kakafoniye, yani ses uyumsuzlu\u011funa\/g\u00fcr\u00fclt\u00fcye katk\u0131da bulunmu\u015f olur. \u00d6nemli olan, farkl\u0131 olanlar\u0131n ayn\u0131 hedefte birle\u015fmesi, Toplum S\u00f6zle\u015fmesi\u2019nin ad\u0131m ad\u0131m in\u015fa edilmesidir. &nbsp;Yak\u0131n tehlike savu\u015fturulduktan sonra, uzak tehlikeler i\u00e7in yeniden durum de\u011ferlendirmesi yap\u0131l\u0131r. <em>&nbsp;Veryans\u0131n<\/em>, 26. 01. 2025<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Yavuz Alogan &nbsp;Asker\u00ee m\u00fcdahale ve darbe d\u00f6nemlerinde \u00fcniforma giyen Devlet sahan\u0131n tamam\u0131na h\u00fckmetmeyi ama\u00e7lad\u0131. Gazete patronlar\u0131n\u0131 ve yazarlar\u0131 tek tek denetleyerek bas\u0131n\u0131 sans\u00fcrlemeye, sivil b\u00fcrokrasiyi denetleyerek devlet kurumlar\u0131n\u0131 y\u00f6nlendirmeye, \u00f6\u011fretim \u00fcyelerini bask\u0131 alt\u0131na alarak \u00fcniversiteleri susturmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Buna ra\u011fmen tan\u0131nm\u0131\u015f hukuk\u00e7ular, sanat\u00e7\u0131lar, \u00f6\u011fretim \u00fcyeleri&nbsp; &nbsp;konu\u015fabiliyor, \u00fcnl\u00fc k\u00f6\u015fe yazarlar\u0131 kesintili de olsa ele\u015ftirilerini yazabiliyorlard\u0131. 12 Mart &hellip; <\/p>\n<p class=\"link-more\"><a href=\"http:\/\/yavuzalogan.com\/?p=1749\" class=\"more-link\">Continue reading<span class=\"screen-reader-text\"> &#8220;MUKAYESEL\u0130 ME\u015eRU\u0130YET SORUNLARI&#8221;<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1749","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-uncategorized"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"http:\/\/yavuzalogan.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1749","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"http:\/\/yavuzalogan.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"http:\/\/yavuzalogan.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/yavuzalogan.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/yavuzalogan.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=1749"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"http:\/\/yavuzalogan.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1749\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1751,"href":"http:\/\/yavuzalogan.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1749\/revisions\/1751"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"http:\/\/yavuzalogan.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=1749"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/yavuzalogan.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=1749"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"http:\/\/yavuzalogan.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=1749"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}