{"id":1475,"date":"2023-09-08T09:28:38","date_gmt":"2023-09-08T07:28:38","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/yavuzalogan.com\/?p=1475"},"modified":"2023-09-08T09:28:38","modified_gmt":"2023-09-08T07:28:38","slug":"boyle-bir-seye-mesru-denebilir-mi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"http:\/\/yavuzalogan.com\/?p=1475","title":{"rendered":"B\u00d6YLE B\u0130R \u015eEYE ME\u015eRU DENEB\u0130L\u0130R M\u0130?"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
\"\"<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Yavuz Alogan<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Rejimin me\u015fru say\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in ba\u015fta anayasa olmak \u00fczere mevcut yasalara uygun olmas\u0131 gerekir. Ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle, rejimi temsil eden devlet y\u00f6netiminin her t\u00fcrl\u00fc icraat ve tasarrufunda yaz\u0131l\u0131 hukukun s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde kalmas\u0131 beklenir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Fakat bu yetmez.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Rejimin toplumun vicdan\u0131nda,  eski tabirle ma\u015feri \u015fuur denilen toplumsal bilin\u00e7 alan\u0131nda da kendine yer bulmu\u015f olmas\u0131 gerekir.  Yurtta\u015flar\u0131n yar\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 \u201cazg\u0131n az\u0131nl\u0131k,\u201d \u00f6teki yar\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 \u201cmakbul vatanda\u015f\u201d olarak g\u00f6ren siyas\u00ee iktidar, taraftarlar\u0131n\u0131n ve beslemelerinin vicdan\u0131nda yer edinmi\u015f olsa da,  toplumun bireylerini \u201ckaderde, tasada ve k\u0131van\u00e7ta ortak, b\u00f6l\u00fcnmez bir b\u00fct\u00fcn h\u00e2linde mill\u00ee \u015fuur ve \u00fclk\u00fcler etraf\u0131nda\u201d toplayamaz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Anayasas\u0131 olmayan bir rejimin ya da yirmi y\u0131l y\u00f6nettikten sonra \u201cBen s\u0131f\u0131rdan anayasa yapaca\u011f\u0131m\u201d diyen bir siyas\u00ee iktidar\u0131n me\u015fruiyet sorunu vard\u0131r.  Bu durumda yurtta\u015flar\u0131n, anayasa yoksa sen neye dayanarak bizi y\u00f6netiyorsun, mevcut anayasa nas\u0131l oldu da \u201cs\u0131f\u0131r\u201da indi diye sormalar\u0131 me\u015frudur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Yasalara uymayan, riayet edece\u011fi bir anayasas\u0131 olmayan, icraatlar\u0131 toplumun tamam\u0131n\u0131n vicdan\u0131nda yer bulmayan bir rejim me\u015frulu\u011funu kaybetmi\u015f demektir. Rejim me\u015frulu\u011funu kaybetti\u011fi vakit yurtta\u015flar\u0131n direnme hakk\u0131 do\u011far ve yeni bir Toplum S\u00f6zle\u015fmesi yapmak gerekir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Yurtta\u015flar\u0131n yar\u0131dan fazlas\u0131n\u0131n hukukuna\/yarg\u0131s\u0131na itimat etmedi\u011fi,  b\u00fct\u00fcn devlet kurumlar\u0131yla birlikte mevcut Anayasa\u2019da yazan laikli\u011fi,  sosyalli\u011fi ve hukukili\u011fi de ortadan kald\u0131ran; bu a\u011f\u0131r konular bir yana, bir s\u00f6yledi\u011fi di\u011ferini tutmayan, ekonomiyi y\u00f6netemeyen, mill\u00ee e\u011fitimi imama teslim etmek i\u00e7in debelenen, \u00fclkenin demografik yap\u0131s\u0131yla oynanmas\u0131na para ve prestij mukabilinde izin veren; ve nihayet ideolojik hegemonya alt\u0131nda tuttu\u011fu ve herkesin vergileriyle besledi\u011fi insanlar\u0131n oylar\u0131yla s\u00fcrekli se\u00e7im kazanan bir siyas\u00ee iktidar\u0131n varl\u0131k sebebi (raison d\u2019\u00eatre) kendinden menkuld\u00fcr. B\u00f6yle bir \u015feye me\u015fru denebilir mi?   <\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Osmanl\u0131\u2019n\u0131n son d\u00f6neminden (1870\u2019ler) ba\u015flayarak Cumhuriyet\u2019in kurulu\u015funa kadar bu \u00fclkede Nam\u0131k Kemallerden, Mithat Pa\u015falardan, J\u00f6n T\u00fcrklerden, \u0130ttihat ve Terakki\u2019den, Kuv\u00e2-yi Milliye ve  Mustafa Kemal\u2019den 1960\u2019lar\u0131n sonuna kadar gelmi\u015f g\u00f6\u00e7m\u00fc\u015f b\u00fct\u00fcn ilerici vatanseverler, ayd\u0131nlanmac\u0131 devrimciler, me\u015fruiyetin temelini iki kavramda aram\u0131\u015flard\u0131r: Meclis-i Meb\u00fbsan, yani Millet Meclisi ve K\u00e2n\u00fbn-\u0131 Es\u00e2si, yani anayasa.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Bunlardan birincisini, yani Millet Meclisi\u2019ni, i\u015fbirlik\u00e7ilere, gerici ve b\u00f6l\u00fcc\u00fclere ya da ayn\u0131 anda hem gerici hem b\u00f6l\u00fcc\u00fc olanlara kapt\u0131rd\u0131k.  Mart yerel se\u00e7imlerinden sonra anayasay\u0131 da kapt\u0131rabiliriz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Cumhuriyet\u2019in getirdi\u011fi b\u00fct\u00fcn kurumlar\u0131 imha edip yerine yenilerini koyamayan, Devlet\u2019i hantal, battal ve i\u015flevsiz h\u00e2le getiren,  yenilenme kabiliyetini kaybetmi\u015f bir siyas\u00ee iktidar\u0131n, yirmi y\u0131l s\u00fcren iktidar yorgunlu\u011funun ard\u0131ndan kafas\u0131na g\u00f6re yapaca\u011f\u0131 \u201cs\u0131f\u0131rdan anayasa\u201d marifetiyle n\u00fcfusun yar\u0131dan fazlas\u0131n\u0131 ezerek 2053 nihai hedefine y\u00f6nelmesi m\u00fcmk\u00fcn m\u00fc?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Kesinlikle de\u011fil\u2026 <\/p>\n\n\n\n

AKP en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc oldu\u011fu d\u00f6nemlerde bile yapmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u015flerin sonunu getiremedi. \u00c7\u00f6z\u00fcm S\u00fcreci aya\u011f\u0131na dola\u015ft\u0131, geri ad\u0131m atmak zorunda kald\u0131. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi anayasaya da girecek \u015fekilde, 36 etnik gruptan olu\u015fan bir anas\u0131r-\u0131 \u0130sl\u00e2m olarak tan\u0131mlama gayretini s\u00fcrd\u00fcremedi.  Anayasan\u0131n ilk d\u00f6rt maddesini kald\u0131ramad\u0131, \u0130stanbul\u2019u Payitaht olarak Ankara\u2019n\u0131n yerine ge\u00e7iremedi, Dervi\u015f Vahdeti\u2019nin an\u0131s\u0131na Taksim\u2019e Top\u00e7u K\u0131\u015flas\u0131\u2019n\u0131 bile dikemedi. \u00c7evre arazilerini satt\u0131\u011f\u0131 Kanal \u0130stanbul\u2019a kazmay\u0131 vurup ilk k\u00f6pr\u00fcy\u00fc yapt\u0131 ama sonunu getiremedi. \u0130stanbul S\u00f6zle\u015fmesi\u2019ni kald\u0131rd\u0131 ama  6284 say\u0131l\u0131 yasaya dokunamad\u0131. Ekonomiyi nass\u2019la y\u00f6netebildi mi?   Orta Vadeli Program\u2019\u0131n 19. versiyonuna inanan oldu mu? Saray\u2019\u0131n balkonuna Atat\u00fcrk posteri asmaktan vazge\u00e7ebildi mi?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Her \u015feyi y\u0131kt\u0131, \u015fimdi \u00f6ylece durmu\u015f vakit kazanmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yor, Allah\u2019tan yeni bir l\u00fctuf, d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan s\u0131cak para bekliyor.  \u0130\u00e7eride \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclme oldu\u011funu g\u00f6steren belirtiler de eksik de\u011fil. AKP-YK \u00fcyesi Say\u0131n Metin K\u00fcl\u00fcnk\u2019\u00fcn parti devletinin en i\u015flevsel  ideolojik ayg\u0131t\u0131 olan Diyanet \u0130\u015fleri\u2019nin ba\u015fkan\u0131na do\u011frudan sald\u0131rmas\u0131 \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli mesela.  Merkez\u00een zay\u0131flad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, i\u00e7 denetimin azald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6sterir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

AKP yorgun, y\u00fck\u00fcn\u00fc tutmu\u015f gidici bir partinin b\u00fct\u00fcn belirtilerini sergiliyor.  Fakat elbette tarikat ve cemaatlerden gelen ciddi bir bask\u0131 alt\u0131nda.  Yirmi y\u0131l boyunca bilin\u00e7li olarak semirtilen b\u00fct\u00fcn gerici unsurlar kendilerine muazzam bir ayr\u0131cal\u0131k sa\u011flayan kazan\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 kaybetmekten korkuyorlar, kar\u015f\u0131devrimin art\u0131k tamamlanmas\u0131n\u0131,  bir an \u00f6nce \u201cs\u0131f\u0131rdan anayasa\u201dn\u0131n g\u00fcvencesi alt\u0131nda  huzura kavu\u015fmay\u0131, \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fmeyi bekliyorlar. \u201cAile de\u011ferleri,\u201d LGBT\u2019den kaynaklanan mill\u00ee tehdit (!), okullara ve her yere imam, Feshane\u2019ye soru\u015fturma gibi k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u015feylerle avutulmak istemiyorlar art\u0131k. Nihai \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm, yasal g\u00fcvence istiyorlar.  Fakat kam\u00e7\u0131lad\u0131klar\u0131 at yorgun, y\u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc kaybetmi\u015f, d\u0131\u015f deste\u011fi \u015f\u00fcpheli. El yordam\u0131yla y\u00fcr\u00fcmeye, g\u00fcn\u00fc kurtarmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saray\u2019\u0131n Meclis\u2019e ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 H\u00fcda-Par\u2019\u0131n ba\u015fkan\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn gericilerin sab\u0131rs\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, canh\u0131ra\u015f tela\u015f\u0131n\u0131, \u015fu s\u00f6zlerle dile getirdi: \u201cBu anayasadan kurtulman\u0131n zaman\u0131 gelmi\u015ftir. Siyaset kurumunun ve siyas\u00ee partilerin bu millete olan bir borcudur, mutlaka bu bor\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6demelidirler. Bu parlamento yeni bir anayasa yapabilir ve bunu yapmal\u0131d\u0131r.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Elbette yapabilir. Ama ona anayasa denmez. Hakikati g\u00f6ren ve giderek daralan bir se\u00e7men taban\u0131na anayasa yapm\u0131\u015f olurlar ve Saray rejiminin me\u015fruiyeti biraz daha zay\u0131flar. \u00d6te yanda Saray y\u00f6netimi kusursuz bir polis devleti kurma kabiliyetine iktidar\u0131n\u0131n hi\u00e7bir d\u00f6neminde sahip olamad\u0131. Bundan sonra hi\u00e7 olamaz. Bu \u00fclke, tarihi ve toplumuyla o k\u00f6hne kafese s\u0131\u011fmaz.  Veryans\u0131n<\/em>, 08. 09. 2023<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Yavuz Alogan         Rejimin me\u015fru say\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in ba\u015fta anayasa olmak \u00fczere mevcut yasalara uygun olmas\u0131 gerekir. Ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle, rejimi temsil eden devlet y\u00f6netiminin her t\u00fcrl\u00fc icraat ve tasarrufunda yaz\u0131l\u0131 hukukun s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde kalmas\u0131 beklenir.         Fakat bu yetmez.         Rejimin toplumun vicdan\u0131nda,  eski tabirle ma\u015feri \u015fuur denilen toplumsal bilin\u00e7 alan\u0131nda da kendine yer bulmu\u015f olmas\u0131 … <\/p>\n

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