{"id":1469,"date":"2023-09-01T09:35:44","date_gmt":"2023-09-01T07:35:44","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/yavuzalogan.com\/?p=1469"},"modified":"2023-09-01T09:35:44","modified_gmt":"2023-09-01T07:35:44","slug":"uzlasmaz-celiski","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"http:\/\/yavuzalogan.com\/?p=1469","title":{"rendered":"UZLA\u015eMAZ \u00c7EL\u0130\u015eK\u0130"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
\"\"<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Yavuz Alogan<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Demokrasiyle y\u00f6netilen geli\u015fmi\u015f modern \u00fclkelerde Devlet halk aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkileri azaltmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r, uzla\u015fmaz \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin olu\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nler.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Farkl\u0131 toplumsal s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 ve \u00e7\u0131kar gruplar\u0131n\u0131 temsil eden sahici siyas\u00ee partilerin yasaman\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra denetim g\u00f6revini de yerine getirdi\u011fi sahici bir parlamento vard\u0131r. Devlet kurumlar\u0131n\u0131n yetki ve sorumluluk s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 anayasayla belirleyen sistem, halk aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkileri ba\u011fda\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r, toplumsal uzla\u015fmay\u0131 sa\u011flar, \u015fiddet yoluyla \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclebilecek uzla\u015fmaz \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin olu\u015fmas\u0131na, toplumun kendi i\u00e7inde \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmaya s\u00fcr\u00fcklenmesine izin vermez.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Devlet\u2019in kendi   kadrolar\u0131yla toplumda uzla\u015fmaz \u00e7eli\u015fkiler yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 durumlar ise ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 evresindeki fa\u015fist ve totaliter rejimlerde ya da y\u00f6netim gelene\u011fi olmayan, devlet-alt\u0131 gruplar\u0131n yasal bo\u015fluklardan yararlanarak g\u00fc\u00e7lendi\u011fi, halk\u0131 a\u015fa\u011f\u0131dan ku\u015fatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ilkel toplumlarda g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu  \u00fclkelerde Devlet\u2019i ele ge\u00e7iren siyas\u00ee kadro iktidara t\u0131rmanma s\u00fcrecinin ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131nda marjinaldir, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve neredeyse sabit bir oy oran\u0131na sahiptir. Mesela Alman Nasyonal Sosyalist Nazi Partisi\u2019nin 1924 ile 1928 aras\u0131nda yap\u0131lan \u00fc\u00e7 genel se\u00e7imde ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 oy oran\u0131 y\u00fczde 6,5; 3,0; 2,6 kadard\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bizde de Anayasa\u2019n\u0131n ve siyas\u00ee partiler yasas\u0131n\u0131n uygulanmamas\u0131, yan\u0131 s\u0131ra T\u00fcrk Ceza Kanunu\u2019nun 163. Maddesinin kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 (1991) nedeniyle, laiklik kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 faaliyetlerin oda\u011f\u0131 olan ve devleti din\u00ee esaslarla y\u00f6netmek isteyen marjinal siyas\u00ee partilerin (Mill\u00ee Nizam, Mill\u00ee Selamet, Refah- AKP) oy oranlar\u0131 ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7ta y\u00fczde 7-11 civar\u0131nda seyretmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu tip siyas\u00ee parti emperyal bir projenin par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak (BOP gibi) uluslararas\u0131 alanda sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 destekle, y\u00f6netim krizi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda sahici demokrasi vaatleriyle; sorumsuz, \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcs\u00fcz ya da \u00e7\u0131karc\u0131 entelekt\u00fcelleri yan\u0131na \u00e7ekip kullanarak, siyas\u00ee toplum nezdinde kendisini makul bir alternatif gibi g\u00f6stererek ve nihayet klasik reklam teknikleriyle halk\u0131 aldatarak iktidara gelir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

K\u0131saca belirtmek gerekirse, i\u00e7inde yuvaland\u0131\u011f\u0131 siyas\u00ee toplumun geleneklerine,  Devlet\u2019in naturas\u0131na, yani do\u011fas\u0131na yarat\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131na, kurucu ilkelerine, hatta yasalar\u0131na ters d\u00fc\u015fen marjinal siyas\u00ee olu\u015fum, uygun uluslararas\u0131 konjonkt\u00fcrden, toplumu sarsan iktisad\u00ee krizden, se\u00e7menin mevcut siyas\u00ee partilere g\u00fcven kayb\u0131ndan yararlanarak se\u00e7men kitlesinde r\u0131za \u00fcretir, se\u00e7im kazanarak iktidar\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Toplumda marjinal kabul edilen, hatta kurulmas\u0131 Anayasa ve kanunlarla yasaklanm\u0131\u015f olan siyas\u00ee parti iktidara geldikten sonra, tarihsel olarak tipik bir \u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fcy\u00fc (pattern) izleyerek, Devlet\u2019in b\u00fct\u00fcn ayg\u0131tlar\u0131n\u0131 kendi kadrolar\u0131yla istil\u00e2 etmek, eski kadrolar\u0131 iteleyerek asker sivil yeni kadroya yer a\u00e7mak ve s\u00fcrekli kadro yeti\u015ftirmek zorundad\u0131r. Aksi h\u00e2lde iktidarda kalamaz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130kinci bir zorunluluk, siyas\u00ee iktidar\u0131n kendi ideolojik hegemonyas\u0131n\u0131 kurumsalla\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131 ve yaymas\u0131d\u0131r. Burada iki y\u00f6nl\u00fc bir i\u015fleyi\u015f vard\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bir yanda, halk a\u015fa\u011f\u0131dan ideolojik olarak ku\u015fat\u0131l\u0131r, e\u011fitilir, d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcl\u00fcr, korkutulur, sat\u0131n al\u0131n\u0131r.  Kurumlar\u0131n i\u015flevi de\u011fi\u015ftirilir, aktar\u0131l\u0131r. Mesela mill\u00ee e\u011fitim ve halk e\u011fitimi ideolojik e\u011fitim ve  propaganda merkezine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclen Diyanet \u0130\u015fleri Ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019na aktar\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, bu arada bilin\u00e7li olarak zenginle\u015ftirilen tarikat ve cemaatler toplumun en geri ve muhta\u00e7 kesimini a\u015fa\u011f\u0131dan \u00f6rg\u00fctlemi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6te yanda, b\u00fct\u00fcn muhalif siyas\u00ee partiler, lider bozuntular\u0131, \u00f6nde giden t\u00fcredi siyaset esnaf\u0131 ve demagoglar ideolojik tabularla ku\u015fat\u0131l\u0131r, siyas\u00ee iktidar\u0131n ideolojik s\u00f6ylem alan\u0131na hapsedilir.  Bu hapishanenin d\u0131\u015f\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kamazlar. Mesela \u201claiklik\u201d s\u00f6zc\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc telaffuz edemezler. Parti olarak ayakta kalmak i\u00e7in ya\u011fmaya, halk\u0131n soyulmas\u0131na bir bi\u00e7imde i\u015ftirak etmek zorunda olan muhalif siyas\u00ee partiler, iktidar partisinin taban\u0131ndan oy dev\u015firmek i\u00e7in en gerici ideolojiyle helalle\u015firler,  Cumhuriyet d\u00fc\u015fmanlar\u0131n\u0131 tarihin derinliklerinden \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131p onlara itibarlar\u0131n\u0131 iade ederler.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u0130deolojik hegemonya budur. Halk\u0131 a\u015fa\u011f\u0131dan, siyas\u00ee toplumu yukar\u0131dan ku\u015fatm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu arada siyas\u00ee iktidar kendisinden rahats\u0131z olanlar\u0131n sabit bir g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fc, bir enstantane yakalamas\u0131na f\u0131rsat vermemek i\u00e7in s\u00fcrekli hareket h\u00e2lindedir. Hedefine do\u011fru yol al\u0131rken s\u00fcrekli kost\u00fcm de\u011fi\u015ftirir. Saray\u2019\u0131na kalpakl\u0131 Mustafa Kemal posteri bile asar, i\u00e7inde \u201cG\u00e2zi\u201d ge\u00e7en mar\u015f besteletir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bask\u0131n\u0131n dozunu dikkatle ayarlar, \u015fiddet konusunda hassas ve se\u00e7icidir. Kendisine en zararl\u0131, tehlikeli g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc unsurlar\u0131 bask\u0131 alt\u0131na al\u0131rken,  s\u00f6ylemleri ne kadar radikal olursa olsun muhalefetle de sorunu olan unsurlara dokunmaz,  onlar\u0131 g\u00f6rmezden gelir, hatta el alt\u0131ndan onlar\u0131 besler, yollar\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7ar. Amac\u0131, \u201cdemokrasi\u201d g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc koruyarak zaman kazanmak, siyas\u00ee ortamda s\u00fcregiden rekabeti k\u0131z\u0131\u015ft\u0131rmak, siyas\u00ee toplumun i\u00e7ine yuvarland\u0131\u011f\u0131 karga\u015fadan s\u0131yr\u0131larak eri\u015filmez bir y\u00fckseklikte yer almakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Gayet esnek, elastik g\u00f6r\u00fcnmesine ra\u011fmen siyas\u00ee iktidar asl\u0131nda tam bir \u201ckapan\u0131m\u201d (closure) noktas\u0131 aramaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu \u201ckapan\u0131m\u201d noktas\u0131, yani \u00e7emberin tamamland\u0131\u011f\u0131 an, siyas\u00ee iktidar ister 20, ister 50 y\u0131l h\u00fck\u00fcm s\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015f olsun, mutlaka \u015fiddeti gerektirecektir. Devlet\u2019in resm\u00ee olan ve olmayan bask\u0131 ayg\u0131tlar\u0131 bu \u015fiddet \u00e2n\u0131 i\u00e7in \u00f6nceden dikkatle haz\u0131rlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u015eiddet zaman\u0131, \u201cs\u0131f\u0131rdan\u201d Anayasa\u2019n\u0131n y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe girdi\u011fi,  hegemonik ideolojinin yasal me\u015fruiyet edindi\u011fi an ba\u015flayacakt\u0131r. \u015eartlar\u0131n olgunla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131na kanaat getiren siyas\u00ee iktidar bu kez ger\u00e7ek kost\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc giyecek, istedi\u011fi dura\u011fa gelen tramvaydan inecektir.  Bu y\u00fczden dura\u011fa gelmeden \u00f6nce tramvay\u0131  durdurmak ya da yolunu kesmek nihai kurtulu\u015f i\u00e7in elzemdir.    <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Halk aras\u0131ndaki uzla\u015fmaz \u00e7eli\u015fki son tahlilde kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 \u015fiddetle \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcl\u00fcr.  Zira uzla\u015fmaz \u00e7eli\u015fki, \u00f6teki \u00e7eli\u015fkilere benzemez; uzla\u015fmazd\u0131r, yani antagonisttir.  Bu \u00e7eli\u015fki t\u00fcr\u00fc ancak \u00e7eli\u015fen taraflardan birinin di\u011ferini fikren, \u00e7o\u011fu kez fiziken imha etmesiyle \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcl\u00fcr.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Uzla\u015fmaz \u00e7eli\u015fki halk\u0131n yar\u0131dan fazlas\u0131n\u0131n hayat tarz\u0131yla, gelenek g\u00f6renekleriyle, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel birikimiyle, ulusal\/mill\u00ee bilinciyle, \u00fclkenin yak\u0131n d\u00f6nem tarihiyle, devrimci kahramanlar\u0131n\u0131n hat\u0131ras\u0131yla, e\u015fitlik h\u00fcrriyet karde\u015flik tutkusuyla, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fmesiyle, \u00e7ocuklar\u0131n gen\u00e7lerin laik bilimsel e\u011fitimiyle, refah ve toplumsal kalk\u0131nmayla, \u00fclkenin gelece\u011fiyle ilgilidir. Bunlar ne kadar a\u015f\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olursa olsun, kapan\u0131m noktas\u0131nda varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrecektir.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bizim i\u00e7in, \u015fimdilik kayd\u0131yla en \u00f6nemli kazan\u0131m, \u00fclke n\u00fcfusunun yar\u0131dan fazlas\u0131na denk d\u00fc\u015fen g\u00f6rece geli\u015fmi\u015f, e\u011fitimli, fark\u0131ndal\u0131\u011f\u0131 giderek artan kesimin Saray iktidar\u0131n\u0131n 2053 perspektifinin ne anlama geldi\u011fini kavram\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131 ve Y\u00fcce Meclis\u2019teki her t\u00fcrl\u00fc muhalefet partisinin halk\u0131n yar\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n ulusal birlik, ayd\u0131nlanma ve ilerleme taleplerine t\u0131ka\u00e7 vazifesi g\u00f6rmek \u00fczere \u00f6zel olarak imal edildi\u011fini son se\u00e7imlerde deneyerek g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015f olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu fark\u0131ndal\u0131k tarihin bir arma\u011fan\u0131d\u0131r; geli\u015ftirilmesi, geni\u015fletilmesi, peki\u015ftirilmesi, s\u00fcreklilik kazand\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken \u00e7ok b\u00fcy\u00fck bir kazan\u0131md\u0131r. Veryans\u0131n<\/em>, 01.09.2023<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Yavuz Alogan Demokrasiyle y\u00f6netilen geli\u015fmi\u015f modern \u00fclkelerde Devlet halk aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkileri azaltmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r, uzla\u015fmaz \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin olu\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nler.   Farkl\u0131 toplumsal s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 ve \u00e7\u0131kar gruplar\u0131n\u0131 temsil eden sahici siyas\u00ee partilerin yasaman\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra denetim g\u00f6revini de yerine getirdi\u011fi sahici bir parlamento vard\u0131r. Devlet kurumlar\u0131n\u0131n yetki ve sorumluluk s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 anayasayla belirleyen sistem, halk aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkileri ba\u011fda\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r, toplumsal … <\/p>\n

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