{"id":1452,"date":"2023-08-13T10:12:01","date_gmt":"2023-08-13T08:12:01","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/yavuzalogan.com\/?p=1452"},"modified":"2023-08-13T10:12:01","modified_gmt":"2023-08-13T08:12:01","slug":"demirel-hakkinda-her-sey","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"http:\/\/yavuzalogan.com\/?p=1452","title":{"rendered":"DEM\u0130REL HAKKINDA HER \u015eEY"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
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Yavuz Alogan<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Bizim ku\u015fak i\u00e7in S\u00fcleyman Demirel sa\u011fc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n, Amerikanc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n, geri kalm\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n, \u201cbozuk d\u00fczen\u201din sorumlusu ve simgesiydi. Biraz da komik bulurduk nedense, T\u00fcrke\u015f ve Erbakan kadar ciddiye almazd\u0131k. \u201cDemirel\u2019den zaaam, zam\u2026!\u201d diye ba\u015flay\u0131p duruma g\u00f6re de\u011fi\u015fen hakaretamiz ve keyifli sloganlar\u0131 hat\u0131rl\u0131yorum.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Zaman ge\u00e7ip ko\u015fullar de\u011fi\u015fince ge\u00e7mi\u015f farkl\u0131 bir \u0131\u015f\u0131kla ayd\u0131nlan\u0131yor, g\u00f6lgeler k\u0131sal\u0131yor, baz\u0131 ayr\u0131nt\u0131lar yeni sorularla birlikte g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr oluyor.   Siyas\u00ee merkezin \u00e7\u00f6kt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, sa\u011f ve sol kavramlar\u0131n\u0131n belirsizle\u015fti\u011fi, bazen i\u00e7 i\u00e7e ge\u00e7ti\u011fi bug\u00fcn\u00fcn siyas\u00ee ortam\u0131nda merkez sa\u011fc\u0131 bir lider (parti ba\u015fkan\u0131 de\u011fil, lider!) olarak Demirel\u2019i de farkl\u0131 bir \u0131\u015f\u0131kta g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Tan\u0131l Bora\u2019n\u0131n Demirel biyografisi (Tan\u0131l Bora, Demirel<\/em>, \u0130leti\u015fim 2023) bu \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131 keskinle\u015ftiriyor, yak\u0131n ge\u00e7mi\u015fi daha iyi g\u00f6rmemizi sa\u011fl\u0131yor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Kitab\u0131n ilk sayfalar\u0131nda Tan\u0131l Bora, Demirel pragmatizminin ay\u0131rt edici \u00f6zelli\u011fini yaz\u0131yor: \u201c\u2026acar bir f\u0131rsat\u00e7\u0131yd\u0131 ve tutars\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa haz\u0131rd\u0131 fakat bunu ne-olursa-olsun iktidar oport\u00fcnizmiyle de\u011fil, siyasal hedefini ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirme iradesine ba\u011fl\u0131 bir pragmatizmle yap\u0131yordu\u201d (s.11).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Peki, siyas\u00ee hedefi neydi?  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yazar\u0131n yan\u0131t\u0131 \u015f\u00f6yle: \u201cmodern bir kapitalist toplum ve parlamenter sistem sayesinde r\u0131za \u00fcretim kabiliyeti y\u00fcksek bir ulus-devlet in\u015fas\u0131\u201d (agy).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Demirel, kitapta, kapitalist toplumun ya da piyasa ekonomisinin istikrarla s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclmesinin gerekleri \u00fczerinde d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015f,  \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f bilin\u00e7li bir siyasal akt\u00f6r\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlan\u0131yor. 12 Mart d\u00f6neminde Demirel\u2019in kendisini anlatmak i\u00e7in kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cdevlet fikrinin adam\u0131\u201d kavram\u0131 bu ba\u011flamda yerli yerine oturuyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Devlet i\u015fleyi\u015finin ayr\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131na yasalar, yordamlar ve rakamlar d\u00fczeyinde h\u00e2kim oldu\u011funu biliyoruz. Mill\u00ee e\u011fitim b\u00fcrokrat\u0131 olan babam, planlama toplant\u0131lar\u0131nda Demirel\u2019in cebinden \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131 m\u00fchendis cetveliyle rakamlar\u0131 projekte etti\u011fini, d\u00fczeltti\u011fini, maliyet hesaplamalar\u0131 yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 anlat\u0131rd\u0131: \u201cSonunda o bizi bilgilendiriyor.\u201d <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nitekim kitaptan, M\u00fcmtaz Soysal\u2019\u0131n Demirel i\u00e7in \u201cdevlette dosyalar\u0131 okuyan, tart\u0131\u015f\u0131l\u0131p konu\u015fulabilecek tek insan\u201d dedi\u011fini \u00f6\u011freniyoruz (s. 425). Devlet fikrinin adam\u0131 olmakla kalmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, devlet uygulamalar\u0131n\u0131n ayr\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131na da v\u00e2k\u0131f oldu\u011funu anl\u0131yoruz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Demirel\u2019in 12 Mart asker\u00ee m\u00fcdahalesinin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015fartlar\u0131 manip\u00fcle ederek kendi lehine \u00e7evirdi\u011fini; \u201ckom\u00fcnizm\u201d ve irtica tehditlerinin y\u00fckseldi\u011fi d\u00f6nemlerde askerlerle yak\u0131nla\u015farak, z\u0131tla\u015fmaktan ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131p d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck profil vererek orduyu darbe d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinden uzakla\u015ft\u0131rmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Birinci Be\u015f Y\u0131ll\u0131k Kalk\u0131nma Plan\u0131\u2019nda (1963-67) \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fclen temel sanayi projelerinde Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019nden teknik ve mali yard\u0131m almak,  SSCB Ba\u015fbakan\u0131 Kosigin\u2019i T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de a\u011f\u0131rlamak (1966); \u201cMenderes\u2019ten farkl\u0131 olarak, rejim fark\u0131 g\u00f6zetmeden b\u00fct\u00fcn Ortado\u011fu ve Arap \u00fclkeleriyle iyi ili\u015fkiler\u201d kurmak; \u201cSovyetler\u2019in dostu olan Arap rejimlerine T\u00fcrkiye hava sahas\u0131 \u00fczerinden silah g\u00f6nderilmesine m\u00fcsamaha\u201d etmek (s. 142); b\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar, So\u011fuk Sava\u015f\u2019\u0131n zirvesinde cesaret isteyen \u00f6nemli hamlelerdi. \u201cElektri\u011fin kom\u00fcnisti olmaz \u2026 Biz Amerika\u2019n\u0131n 53. Devleti [eyaleti] de\u011filiz,\u201d diyebiliyor, 1975\u2019te Amerikan \u00fcslerini kapatabiliyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Fakat II. Milliyet\u00e7i Cephe H\u00fck\u00fcmeti (1975-1977) ve 1979 sonunda kurdu\u011fu az\u0131nl\u0131k h\u00fck\u00fcmeti d\u00f6neminde Demirel\u2019in \u201cdevlet fikrinin adam\u0131\u201d olmaktan sapt\u0131\u011f\u0131, merkezden uzakla\u015farak iyice  sa\u011fa kayd\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor.   Kahramanmara\u015f katliam\u0131ndan (1978) sonra, \u201cBana sa\u011fc\u0131lar su\u00e7 i\u015fliyor, cinayet i\u015fliyor dedirtemezsiniz,\u201d diyor. 1980 Mart\u2019\u0131nda  \u201cSuudi Arabistan\u2019\u0131n Vahab\u00ee-Selef\u00ee \u0130sl\u00e2m anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na dayanan Rab\u0131ta \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcyle, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Avrupa\u2019daki Diyanet faaliyetlerinin finansman\u0131 i\u00e7in mutabakat\u201d sa\u011fl\u0131yor (s. 253). 1975-76\u2019da \u00fc\u00e7 kez \u201ctespih \u00e7ekenle tetik \u00e7ekenin bir tutulamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131\u201d s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor (s. 254).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Kendisinden \u00f6nceki ve sonraki b\u00fct\u00fcn parti ba\u015fkanlar\u0131 gibi, o da zaman\u0131n \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f cemaat ve tarikatlar\u0131ndan (I\u015f\u0131k\u00e7\u0131lar, S\u00fcleymanc\u0131lar, Nurcular vs)  se\u00e7imlerde g\u00fc\u00e7 dev\u015firmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yor, \u015feriat\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n taban\u0131n\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lendiriyor, yobazl\u0131\u011f\u0131n siyaset sahnesine \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131n\u0131, hatta meclise girmesini sa\u011fl\u0131yor. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu konuda Demirel elbette istisna olu\u015fturmuyor. Sistemin b\u00fct\u00fcn partilerinin, \u0130smet Pa\u015fa CHP\u2019sinin bile oy kayg\u0131s\u0131yla zaman zaman gericilere yana\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 biliyoruz. Mesela Yakup Kadri Karaosmano\u011flu CHP\u2019nin 1950\u2019lerin ba\u015f\u0131nda oy kayg\u0131s\u0131yla \u201cTicani tarikat\u0131yla i\u015fbirli\u011fi etmeyi g\u00f6ze almaktan \u00e7ekinmemi\u015f\u201d oldu\u011funu belirtiyor (Politikada 45 Y\u0131l<\/em>, \u0130leti\u015fim 2021, s.160). Cumhuriyet d\u00f6neminin b\u00fct\u00fcn siyas\u00ee partileri oy kayg\u0131s\u0131yla \u015feriat\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n kap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7al\u0131p pazarl\u0131k yap\u0131yor. Bu ili\u015fki nihayet \u015feriat\u00e7\u0131lar ABD\u2019nin itelemesiyle 2002\u2019de  iktidara gelene kadar s\u00fcr\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Demirel, 1961 Anayasas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n getirdi\u011fi yarg\u0131\/ denetim kurumlar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrekli aya\u011f\u0131na dolanan birer engel olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcyor. \u201c1961-1969 tecr\u00fcbesinden, mevcut anayasa ve kanunlarla \u00fclkenin idaresinin imk\u00e2ns\u0131z oldu\u011fu kanaatine gelmi\u015ftik,\u201d diyor (s. 215). \u201cBu fikirlerimiz [12 Mart]1971 sonras\u0131nda benimsenmi\u015f ve ortaya koydu\u011fumuz \u00e7arelerin pek \u00e7o\u011funa ba\u015fvurulmu\u015ftur,\u201d diye \u00f6v\u00fcn\u00fcyor fakat bunu yeterli g\u00f6rmeyerek, \u201cBu de\u011fi\u015fiklikler yap\u0131ld\u0131ktan sonra dahi T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi bu anayasayla idare etmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir,\u201d diye ekliyor (agy).  \u201c\u0130cran\u0131n \u00fcst\u00fcne \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f Dan\u0131\u015ftay [ve]  meclislerin \u00fcst\u00fcne \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f Anayasa Mahkemesi\u201dnin devleti y\u00f6netilemez k\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor (s.296). Anayasal kurumlarla dalga ge\u00e7mekten de geri durmuyor. K\u0131rat\u2019\u0131n (AP\u2019nin amblemi) beklenen icraatlar\u0131 yapamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00f6ylendi\u011finde, \u201cAt yapacak da taylar b\u0131rakm\u0131yor,\u201d diyor mesela. \u201cTaylar\u201d dedi\u011fi Dan\u0131\u015ftay, Yarg\u0131tay, Say\u0131\u015ftay\u2026 (s. 118). Ba\u015fkanl\u0131k sistemi istiyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        12 Eyl\u00fcl\u2019\u00fcn geli\u015fini g\u00f6r\u00fcyor. G\u00f6rmemi\u015f olmas\u0131 imk\u00e2ns\u0131z. Darbenin ekonomik altyap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 (24 Ocak kararlar\u0131) m\u00fcste\u015far\u0131 Turgut \u00d6zal\u2019a haz\u0131rlatm\u0131\u015f olarak sanki darbeyi bekliyor. Belki de darbe sayesinde 61 Anayasas\u0131\u2019ndan kurtulaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131,12 Mart sonras\u0131ndaki gibi  kendisi i\u00e7in elveri\u015fli ko\u015fullar\u0131n do\u011faca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 umut ediyor. Demirel i\u00e7in biraz zahmetli olmakla birlikte tam da \u00f6yle oluyor. 12 Eyl\u00fcl cuntas\u0131 1961 Anayasas\u0131\u2019n\u0131 ilga ediyor, zamanla Demirel\u2019e ba\u015fbakanl\u0131k ve cumhurba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 yolu a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131yor.  Ne var ki T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de ba\u015fkanl\u0131k sistemini g\u00f6rmeye \u00f6mr\u00fc vefa etmiyor.  Daha 43 y\u0131l var.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Tansu \u00c7iller\u2019in AP\u2019nin genel ba\u015fkan aday\u0131 olarak Demirel\u2019e muhtemelen d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan ve kesinlikle  \u201c\u0130stanbul sermayesi\u201d taraf\u0131ndan nas\u0131l dayat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131, kongre delegelerinin partinin has evlad\u0131 \u0130smet Sezgin yerine Leydi\u2019ye nas\u0131l raz\u0131 olduklar\u0131, kitapta biraz g\u00f6lgeli kal\u0131yor.   Nitekim Demirel\u2019in yak\u0131n \u00e7evresinden Mehmet D\u00fclger de \u00c7iller\u2019in \u201cse\u00e7imi bir muammad\u0131r,\u201d diyor (s. 420).  Yazar da \u201cDemirel\u2019in o kongre arifesindeki hatt\u0131 harek\u00e2t\u0131n\u0131 hi\u00e7bir zaman anlayamam\u0131\u015flar, o da a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a anlatmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r,\u201d diyerek muammay\u0131 oldu\u011fu gibi b\u0131rak\u0131yor (s. 420).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00c7iller olay\u0131na d\u00fc\u015fen g\u00f6lge uzayarak Mehmet A\u011far\u2019\u0131n y\u00fckseli\u015fini ve karanl\u0131\u011fa  \u00e7ekili\u015fini, Susurluk olay\u0131n\u0131, Jitem konusunu, Demirel\u2019in b\u00fct\u00fcn bu olaylar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki tutumunu kapl\u0131yor, yeni g\u00f6lgelerle koyula\u015f\u0131yor. Demirel\u2019in gidi\u015fat\u0131 g\u00f6rerek kayg\u0131land\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 fakat m\u00fcdahale etmedi\u011fini ya da edemedi\u011fini anl\u0131yoruz. Mesela \u00c7iller\u2019e  \u201cTer\u00f6r\u00fc bu orduyla \u00e7\u00f6zeceksin,\u201d diyor.  \u201c\u00d6zel Timler g\u00fcn gelir, ba\u015f\u0131na bel\u00e2 olur. Bunlara h\u00e2kim olamazs\u0131n\u201d (s.447). Tam da \u00f6yle oluyor\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Fakat 28 \u015eubat\u2019ta (1997) Demirel, Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 s\u0131fat\u0131yla bu kez  en g\u00f6steri\u015fli \u201cdevlet fikrinin adam\u0131\u201d kost\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc giyerek sahneye \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor. Laisizmi savunuyor, Cumhuriyet\u2019in devrimle kuruldu\u011funu vurguluyor, \u00fcniversiteye ba\u015f\u00f6rt\u00fcs\u00fcyle girmek isteyenlere \u201cArabistan\u2019a gidin,\u201d diyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Cumhurba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 Senfoni Orkestras\u0131\u2019n\u0131 dev bir salona getirtip Bethooven\u2019\u0131n 9. Senfonisi\u2019ni dinliyor; \u201cNe\u015feye \u00d6vg\u00fc\u201d b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcyle sona eren senfoninin ard\u0131ndan k\u00fcrs\u00fcye \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p, \u201c\u0130\u015fte \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f T\u00fcrkiye!\u201d diye ba\u011f\u0131r\u0131yor, salon \u201cT\u00fcrkiye laiktir, laik kalacak!\u201d slogan\u0131yla \u00e7\u0131nl\u0131yor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Tan\u0131l Bora, 28 \u015eubat Demirelini \u015f\u00f6yle yorumluyor: \u201c28 \u015eubat, onun nezaret etti\u011fi, d\u00e2hil oldu\u011fu bir ordu m\u00fcdahalesi oldu. Demirel, mill\u00ee iradeyi \u00e7i\u011fnemekle ve dindarlara zulmetmekle su\u00e7lanan bir ara rejimin orta\u011f\u0131 idi. 28 \u015eubat Demirel\u2019in siyasi koordinat sistemindeki mevkiine ili\u015fkin kabullerin de\u011fi\u015fmesine,  en az\u0131ndan tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7an kritik bir e\u015fiktir\u201d (s. 483).  Ger\u00e7ekten de Demirel, 28 \u015eubat\u2019la birlikte,  tarikat ve cemaatlerin g\u00f6z\u00fcnden d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyor, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde AKP\u2019nin ve Say\u0131n Saray\u2019\u0131n Menderes\u2019li, \u00d6zal\u2019l\u0131 ikonografisinde yer alm\u0131yor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        28 \u015eubat\u2019\u0131n dalgalar\u0131 yat\u0131\u015f\u0131rken, Demirel\u2019in \u201ckar\u0131\u015f\u0131k  bu adam\u201d (s. 485) dedi\u011fi Fethullah G\u00fclen,  f\u0131rt\u0131nadan sa\u011flam \u00e7\u0131kan te\u015fkilat\u0131yla birlikte y\u00fckselmeye ba\u015fl\u0131yor. Demirel 1998 y\u0131l\u0131 ba\u015f\u0131nda Gazeteciler ve Yazarlar Vakf\u0131\u2019n\u0131n ba\u015flatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cHo\u015fg\u00f6r\u00fc ve Diyalog \u00d6d\u00fcl\u00fc\u201dn\u00fcn ilkini al\u0131yor.  Tan\u0131l Bora, \u201cBu \u00f6d\u00fcl, bir bak\u0131ma, Fethullah G\u00fclen\u2019in 28 \u015eubat rejimine g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi ho\u015fg\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcn ni\u015fan\u0131yd\u0131,\u201d diyor. \u201cHo\u015fg\u00f6r\u00fc kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131yd\u0131,\u201d dedikten sonra,  Demirel\u2019in  Cemaati \u201cT\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin \u2018yumu\u015fak g\u00fc\u00e7\u2019 siyasetinin bir arac\u0131\u201d (s.485) olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcp  ba\u011fr\u0131na bast\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, d\u0131\u015f \u00fclkelerdeki kolejlerini ziyaret edip \u00f6vd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc anlat\u0131yor. Bu casus te\u015fkilat\u0131n\u0131n Devlet kat\u0131nda giderek \u201cresm\u00ee protokol\u00fcn bir par\u00e7as\u0131\u201d oldu\u011funu yaz\u0131yor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Neyse, uzatmayal\u0131m\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Demirel\u2019in ini\u015fli \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015fl\u0131 siyas\u00ee maceras\u0131n\u0131n sonucu olarak elimizde sadece kitab\u0131n \u201cSunu\u015f \u2013 ve Sonu\u00e7\u201d b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcndeki \u015fu yuvarlak, toparlay\u0131c\u0131 ve mesafeli kanaat kal\u0131yor: \u201cS\u00fcleyman Demirel, T\u00fcrk sa\u011f\u0131n\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131ortay\u0131d\u0131r. Milliyet\u00e7i-muhafazak\u00e2r, \u0130slamc\u0131, liberal, devlet\u00e7i vs. sa\u011f s\u00f6ylemleri ortalayan merkez sa\u011f diye bir \u015fey varsa, o a\u00e7\u0131ortay Demirel\u2019dir. O a\u00e7\u0131ortay tarihseldir, ekonomi-politik ko\u015fullarla, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadeleleriyle, siyasal konumlamalarla belirlenir ve de\u011fi\u015fir. Demirel\u2019in ve merkez-sa\u011f a\u00e7\u0131ortay\u0131n siyasal seyrini izlerken, bu de\u011fi\u015fimi de g\u00f6r\u00fcr\u00fcz\u201d (s. 10).  Acaba merkez sa\u011f diye bir \u015fey ger\u00e7ekten var m\u0131yd\u0131?  Belki de \u00fclke nas\u0131l idiyse, merkez sa\u011f ve onun lideri de \u00f6yleydi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u015eu s\u0131cak pazar g\u00fcn\u00fcnde herkese Tan\u0131l Bora\u2019n\u0131n Demirel kitab\u0131n\u0131 okumas\u0131n\u0131,  bu vesileyle yak\u0131n ge\u00e7mi\u015fin siyas\u00ee ortam\u0131n\u0131 hat\u0131rlamas\u0131n\u0131, bilmiyorsa   \u00f6\u011frenmesini tavsiye ederim. Ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z \u00e7ok y\u00f6nl\u00fc \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn b\u00fct\u00fcn belirtilerini ve ipu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131, hatta sebeplerini bile bu panoramik biyografi \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131nda g\u00f6rmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn.  Veryans\u0131n<\/em>, 13. 08. 2023<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Yavuz Alogan         Bizim ku\u015fak i\u00e7in S\u00fcleyman Demirel sa\u011fc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n, Amerikanc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n, geri kalm\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n, \u201cbozuk d\u00fczen\u201din sorumlusu ve simgesiydi. Biraz da komik bulurduk nedense, T\u00fcrke\u015f ve Erbakan kadar ciddiye almazd\u0131k. \u201cDemirel\u2019den zaaam, zam\u2026!\u201d diye ba\u015flay\u0131p duruma g\u00f6re de\u011fi\u015fen hakaretamiz ve keyifli sloganlar\u0131 hat\u0131rl\u0131yorum.         Zaman ge\u00e7ip ko\u015fullar de\u011fi\u015fince ge\u00e7mi\u015f farkl\u0131 bir \u0131\u015f\u0131kla ayd\u0131nlan\u0131yor, g\u00f6lgeler k\u0131sal\u0131yor, baz\u0131 ayr\u0131nt\u0131lar … <\/p>\n

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