Yavuz Alogan<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 1990\u2019larda kapitalizmin b\u00fcy\u00fck r\u00fcyas\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015f gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnd\u00fc. Dijital otonom \u00fcretim sistemleriyle kol eme\u011fini tarih sahnesinden silerek s\u0131n\u0131fsal yap\u0131lar\u0131 d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcren; bili\u015fim ve ileti\u015fim teknolojileriyle insan beynini kal\u0131play\u0131p y\u00f6nlendiren; asayi\u015fi g\u00fcvenlik kameralar\u0131 ve y\u00fcz tan\u0131ma teknikleriyle sa\u011flayan; sermayeyi, mallar\u0131 ve insanlar\u0131 yery\u00fcz\u00fcn\u00fcn her yerinde serbest\u00e7e dola\u015ft\u0131ran; insan\u0131 birey-yurtta\u015f olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kararak s\u0131n\u0131fsal niteli\u011fini kaybetmi\u015f bir m\u00fc\u015fteri-t\u00fcketiciye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcren g\u00f6rkemli kapitalizm \u00e7a\u011f\u0131 ba\u015fl\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Kavramlar de\u011fi\u015fmi\u015fti. Art\u0131k toplumsal s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve stat\u00fcs\u00fcyle de\u011fil, etnik-dinsel-mezhepsel mensubiyetiyle, cinsel tercihiyle ay\u0131rt edilen insan, kendi benzerleriyle birlikte \u00f6zerklik ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck m\u00fccadelesi veren evrensel bir canl\u0131 t\u00fcr\u00fc, toplumsal bir birim olarak yeniden tan\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015f, \u201cinsan haklar\u0131\u201d kavram\u0131 bu tan\u0131mdan t\u00fcretilerek yenilenmi\u015fti.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u0130deal demokrasi, \u00f6zg\u00fcr ve s\u0131n\u0131rs\u0131z piyasa ili\u015fkileri i\u00e7inde kendi parlamentosu, yarg\u0131 ve g\u00fcvenlik ayg\u0131tlar\u0131 olan k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u00f6zerk b\u00f6lgelerin, giderek \u015fehir devletlerinin y\u00f6netim bi\u00e7imi gibi tasarlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Do\u011fal olarak, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n g\u00f6rece az geli\u015fmi\u015f b\u00f6lgelerinde tehlikeli silahlarla donat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ordular\u0131 olan, iktisad\u00ee planlama yapan, teknoloji geli\u015ftiren, e\u011fitim \u00f6\u011fretimin \u00f6nemli bir par\u00e7as\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturdu\u011fu toplumsal kalk\u0131nma hedefini benimseyen, g\u00fcmr\u00fck duvarlar\u0131 y\u00fcksek, mill\u00ee duygular\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc, iddial\u0131 ulus-devletler istemediler.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
O s\u0131rada Rusya ve \u00c7in\u2019i acil sorun olarak g\u00f6rm\u00fcyorlard\u0131. Moskova\u2019da parlamento topa tutulmu\u015ftu (Anayasa Krizi, 1993) ama Gorba\u00e7ev her yola geliyordu; \u00c7in\u2019de Tien An-men katliam\u0131 (1989) olmu\u015ftu ama Deng \u015eiaoping\u2019in \u201cd\u00f6rt modernle\u015fme\u201d program\u0131 kapitalizmi resmile\u015ftirmi\u015fti. Her iki \u00fclkede de iktisad\u00ee d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn Bat\u0131\u2019yla siyas\u00ee entegrasyona varaca\u011f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcl\u00fcyordu ve bu y\u00f6nde g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc belirtiler vard\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Ortado\u011fu \u00fczerinde odakland\u0131lar. Ama daha \u00f6nce Yugoslavya\u2019y\u0131 par\u00e7alad\u0131lar (1992) ve Do\u011fu Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n entegrasyonuyla u\u011fra\u015ft\u0131lar. Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n orta yerinde \u00f6zy\u00f6netimli, sosyalist etiketli bir devlet istemediler, do\u011fu Avrupa\u2019da kom\u00fcnizmin izlerini silmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131lar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
B\u00fcy\u00fck Ortado\u011fu Projesi\u2019nin (BOP) amac\u0131 b\u00f6lgenin do\u011fal kaynaklar\u0131ndan sa\u011flanan gelirlerin denetim alt\u0131na al\u0131narak k\u00fcresel mali piyasalarda de\u011ferlendirilmesi (A. Hanieh, NotaBene 2012), Arap ve T\u00fcrk milliyet\u00e7ili\u011finin yok edilmesi, ulus-devletlerin federasyona d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclmesi, 23 devletin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131n de\u011fi\u015ftirilmesi ve yeni devlet\u00e7iklerin kurulmas\u0131yd\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Bu tasar\u0131lar\u0131n hepsi ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa u\u011frad\u0131 ve kapitalizm tarihsel r\u00fcyas\u0131ndan yeni bir bunal\u0131m d\u00f6nemine ve I. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 \u00f6ncesini and\u0131ran jeopolitik bir k\u00e2busa uyand\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
19. ve 20. y\u00fczy\u0131llarda kendisine atfedilen i\u015flevleri k\u00fcreselle\u015fme d\u00f6neminde \u00f6rg\u00fctleriyle birlikte kaybeden modern proletarya orta s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n, meslek sahiplerinin kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131yla olu\u015fan muazzam bir prekarya kitlesinin i\u00e7inde bir m\u00fcfrezeye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. G\u00fcvencesiz \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar, yoksulla\u015fanlar, gelece\u011fi olmayanlar e\u015fitlik \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ve sosyal refah arayarak homurdanmaya, kitleler h\u00e2linde soka\u011fa d\u00f6k\u00fclmeye ba\u015flad\u0131lar. \u0130htil\u00e2l potansiyeli ta\u015f\u0131yan kitlesel protesto g\u00fcvenlik kameralar\u0131yla denetlenemeyecek bir silaha d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Bir meydanda toplanan y\u00fcz binlerce insan\u0131 y\u00fcz tan\u0131ma teknikleriyle takip etseniz ne olacak?<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Dinsel, mezhepsel ve etnik gruplar kendilerine verilen rol\u00fcn s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015ft\u0131lar; her t\u00fcrl\u00fc denetimden kurtularak kendi \u00fclkelerinde iktidar odaklar\u0131 olu\u015fturmaya ba\u015flad\u0131lar; baz\u0131 \u00fclkelerde gizliden ya da a\u00e7\u0131ktan silahland\u0131lar. Bat\u0131 medya k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn do\u011fuya do\u011fru yaymaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 e\u015fcinsellik bir \u201chak arama\u201d m\u00fccadelesi olarak zay\u0131f kald\u0131, en geni\u015f kitlelerde yabanc\u0131la\u015fma yaratarak tecrit edildi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
BOP denemesi, merkez\u00ee devletler y\u0131k\u0131l\u0131nca orta\u00e7a\u011f ko\u015fullar\u0131na d\u00f6nen Irak ve Libya gibi \u00fclkelerde d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fc olmayan bir k\u00fclt\u00fcrel y\u0131k\u0131mla, sosyolojik bir felaketle sonu\u00e7land\u0131. BOP\u2019un ideolojik ayg\u0131t\u0131 olan \u201c\u0131l\u0131ml\u0131 \u0130slam\u201d M\u0131s\u0131r, Cezayir, Tunus, Fas gibi \u00fclkelerde kar\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131\u011fa, isyanlara, darbelere ve tam bir belirsizli\u011fe yol a\u00e7t\u0131; T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi kendi i\u00e7inde uzla\u015fmaz \u00e7eli\u015fkilere, sonu\u00e7suz bir r\u00f6van\u015fizm denemesine ve anakronizme s\u00fcr\u00fckleyerek \u00fclkeyi i\u00e7 sava\u015f\u0131n e\u015fi\u011fine getirdi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Yugoslavya bak\u0131yesi \u00fclkeler aras\u0131ndaki etnik ve din\u00ee s\u00fcrt\u00fc\u015fmeler Balkanlar\u0131 bir kez daha b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00fc\u00e7 oyunlar\u0131n\u0131n par\u00e7as\u0131na, tarihsel \u201cbarut f\u0131\u00e7\u0131s\u0131\u201dna d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrd\u00fc; Avrupa \u00fclkelerinde, \u00f6zellikle eski Prusya m\u0131nt\u0131kas\u0131nda olu\u015fan neo-fa\u015fist hareketler, demokratik yordamlar\u0131 kullanarak kitleselle\u015fmeye, yabanc\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 k\u0131tan\u0131n her k\u00f6\u015fesine yaymaya, devlet politikalar\u0131n\u0131 etkilemeye ba\u015flad\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Fakat en \u00e7ok Rusya ve \u00c7in konusunda yan\u0131ld\u0131lar. 1990\u2019lar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda ikisinin de Bat\u0131\u2019yla siyas\u00ee ve iktisadi entegrasyona gidece\u011fini umuyorlard\u0131. Tam tersi oldu. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Rusya, \u00c7arl\u0131k d\u00f6neminin emperyal alanlar\u0131na y\u00f6nelerek NATO\u2019nun geni\u015flemesine direndi, Ukrayna\u2019da sava\u015fmaya, daha ileri hamleler i\u00e7in Belarus\u2019u tahkim etmeye, Balkanlar\u2019daki Slavlar\u0131 uyand\u0131rmaya, Avrupa\u2019daki Atlantik kar\u015f\u0131tlar\u0131n\u0131 y\u00f6nlendirmeye, Bat\u0131\u2019y\u0131 n\u00fckleer silahla tehdit etmeye ba\u015flad\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
\u00c7in ise Mao d\u00f6nemini bile aratacak \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde merkez\u00eele\u015fmi\u015f bir devlet sistemi kurarak, kendi i\u00e7inden d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en fazla dolar milyarderini \u00e7\u0131karan, 600 milyon insan\u0131n ayda 150 dolar kazanabildi\u011fi (C. K. K\u0131r\u0131m, 2023) bir kapitalizme \u201c\u00c7in\u2019e \u00f6zg\u00fc sosyalizm\u201d diyerek bat\u0131ya do\u011fru ticaret yollar\u0131n\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irmeye, g\u00fcneydo\u011fu Asya\u2019da ekonomik h\u00e2kimiyet kurmaya koyuldu. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Avrupa \u00fclkeleri NATO\u2019nun \u00e7evresinde topland\u0131lar; Balt\u0131k b\u00f6lgesinden Akdeniz\u2019e, G\u00fcney \u00c7in Denizi\u2019ne kadar asker\u00ee tahkimatlar kuruldu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
Neoliberalizm, serbest piyasa, k\u00fcreselle\u015fme gibi kavramlar\u0131n yerini yirmi y\u0131l i\u00e7inde jeopolitik ve jeostrateji kavramlar\u0131 ald\u0131. \u0130nsanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u201c\u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc Dalga\u201dn\u0131n tepesinden teknolojinin h\u00fckmetti\u011fi sanayi sonras\u0131 topluma ula\u015faca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ne s\u00fcren Alvin Toffler\u2019den, tarihin sonunu m\u00fcjdeleyen Francis Fukuyama\u2019ya, toplumsal devrimlerin \u201ckarars\u0131z\u201d b\u0131rakt\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn halklar\u0131n tarihsel geleneklerine d\u00f6neceklerini iddia eden Samuel Huntington\u2019a kadar b\u00fct\u00fcn bir filozoflar ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131, yerlerini Zbigniew Brzezinki\u2019nin B\u00fcy\u00fck Satran\u00e7 Tahtas\u0131\u2019na b\u0131rakt\u0131; Sun Tzu ve Carl von Clausewitz\u2019den Alfred Mahan, Halford Mackinder, Nicholas Spykman, arada Nazilerin teorisyeni Karl Houshofer\u2019e kadar b\u00fct\u00fcn bir asker\u00ee strateji, co\u011frafya ve jeostrateji uzmanlar\u0131 ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131n\u0131n tozlanm\u0131\u015f kitaplar\u0131 raflardan indirildi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde Rusya-Ukrayna Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n Balkanlar\u2019a, Karadeniz \u00fczerinden Anadolu Yar\u0131madas\u0131\u2019na, Kafkaslar\u2019a, hatta Orta Asya\u2019ya yay\u0131lmas\u0131; ABD-Rusya ve \u00c7in, \u0130srail ve Azerbaycan-\u0130ran ve T\u00fcrk-Yunan sava\u015f\u0131 bekleniyor. D\u00fcnya kapitalizminin y\u00f6netim merkezlerinden pe\u015f pe\u015fe b\u00fcy\u00fck kriz, a\u011f\u0131r buhran uyar\u0131lar\u0131 geliyor. Ne kapitalizmi y\u00f6netebiliyorlar, ne de sava\u015f ekonomisine ge\u00e7meleri m\u00fcmk\u00fcn. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
K\u00fcresel sermaye pandemi d\u00f6neminden bu yana neoliberalizmden \u00e7\u0131kmaya, utanga\u00e7 ad\u0131mlarla devlete daha fazla rol vermeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yor. \u00d6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki d\u00f6nemde ulus-devlet d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesiyle birlikte kamuculu\u011fun \u00f6zellikle az geli\u015fmi\u015f d\u00fcnyada g\u00fc\u00e7lenece\u011fini, b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00fclkelerde siyas\u00ee yap\u0131lar\u0131n bu yeni duruma g\u00f6re \u015fekillenece\u011fini anl\u0131yoruz. Bat\u0131da ve kuzeyde siyaset esnaf\u0131n\u0131n yerinde durdu\u011funu zannetti\u011fi her \u015fey buharla\u015f\u0131yor. 1990\u2019larda ba\u015flayan bir d\u00f6nem sona eriyor. yalogan@gmail.com<\/a> <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Yavuz Alogan \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 1990\u2019larda kapitalizmin b\u00fcy\u00fck r\u00fcyas\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015f gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnd\u00fc. Dijital otonom \u00fcretim sistemleriyle kol eme\u011fini tarih sahnesinden silerek s\u0131n\u0131fsal yap\u0131lar\u0131 d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcren; bili\u015fim ve ileti\u015fim teknolojileriyle insan beynini kal\u0131play\u0131p y\u00f6nlendiren; asayi\u015fi g\u00fcvenlik kameralar\u0131 ve y\u00fcz tan\u0131ma teknikleriyle sa\u011flayan; sermayeyi, mallar\u0131 ve insanlar\u0131 yery\u00fcz\u00fcn\u00fcn her yerinde serbest\u00e7e dola\u015ft\u0131ran; insan\u0131 birey-yurtta\u015f olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kararak s\u0131n\u0131fsal niteli\u011fini kaybetmi\u015f bir … <\/p>\n