{"id":1155,"date":"2022-08-19T11:53:50","date_gmt":"2022-08-19T09:53:50","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/yavuzalogan.com\/?p=1155"},"modified":"2022-08-19T11:53:50","modified_gmt":"2022-08-19T09:53:50","slug":"1155","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"http:\/\/yavuzalogan.com\/?p=1155","title":{"rendered":""},"content":{"rendered":"\n

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SOSYAL DEMOKRAS\u0130 M\u0130 DED\u0130N\u0130Z?<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Yavuz Alogan<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sosyal demokrat partilerin iki sava\u015f aras\u0131 d\u00f6nemde (1918-1939) fakat \u00f6zellikle \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n bitiminden (1945) Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019nin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcne (1991)  kadar ge\u00e7en s\u00fcre i\u00e7inde vah\u015fi kapitalizmi ehlile\u015ftirdi\u011fi, sosyal refah devleti anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 yerle\u015ftirdi\u011fi ink\u00e2r edilemez.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yukar\u0131daki paragraf\u0131, proleter ihtilalinin devrimci \u00e7izgisine ihanet ederek devrim s\u00fcrecinin yerine evrimci d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc ge\u00e7iren d\u00f6nek II. Enternasyonal oport\u00fcnistleri (Bernstein ve Kautsky d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ailesi) kapitalizmle uzla\u015ft\u0131lar ve onun yap\u0131sal krizlerini a\u015fmas\u0131na yard\u0131mc\u0131 oldular \u015feklinde yazmak da m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu iki paragraftan hangisini se\u00e7erseniz se\u00e7in ger\u00e7ek de\u011fi\u015fmez: sosyal demokrat partiler Lenin\u2019in III. Enternasyonal\u2019iyle (Komintern) rekabet ederek kitlesel sendikalar\u0131 arkalar\u0131na ald\u0131lar; kamu a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 ekonomiyi, emek\u00e7ilerin sosyal ve s\u0131n\u0131fsal haklar\u0131n\u0131, orta s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n refah\u0131n\u0131 ve toplumsal kalk\u0131nmay\u0131 savundular.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sava\u015f sona erdi\u011finde, Lenin\u2019in Komintern\u2019i  M\u00fcttefikler\u2019e g\u00fcvence vermek isteyen Stalin taraf\u0131ndan kapat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, yerine bir enformasyon b\u00fcrosu olarak Kominform (1947-1956) kurulmu\u015ftu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Neyse uzatmayal\u0131m\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sosyal demokrat partiler d\u00fcnya kom\u00fcnizminin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcne kadar kapitalizmi dengede tuttular. 1990\u2019lardan itibaren ayaklanma ve devrim korkular\u0131 yat\u0131\u015fan sermaye, k\u00fcresel neoliberalizmle birlikte ge\u00e7mi\u015fteki vah\u015fet durumuna geri d\u00f6nd\u00fc. Tarihin, asl\u0131nda \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi\u201dnin ve emperyalizme kar\u015f\u0131 ulusal kurtulu\u015f m\u00fccadelelerinin sona erdi\u011fine (Fukuyama) inan\u0131yorlard\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sosyal demokrat partiler direnemediler. Sosyalist Enternasyonal\u2019in k\u00fcresel servet e\u015fitsizli\u011fiyle ilgilenen, \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc d\u00fcnyac\u0131 e\u011filimler ta\u015f\u0131yan   ba\u015fkan\u0131 (1979-1992) Willy Brandt\u2019\u0131n bir komployla tasfiye edilmesi; iktidara geldi\u011finde ba\u015fl\u0131ca sanayi kurulu\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 kamula\u015ft\u0131rma program\u0131n\u0131 uygulayamayan Fran\u00e7ois Mitterand\u2019\u0131n ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z ba\u015fkanl\u0131k d\u00f6nemi (1981-1995), yine \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc d\u00fcnyac\u0131 e\u011filimler ta\u015f\u0131yan, k\u00fcresel silahs\u0131zlanmay\u0131 savunan pop\u00fcler \u0130slandinav sosyalisti Olof Palme\u2019nin  esrarengiz bir cinayete kurban gitmesi programatik bir bo\u015fluk yaratt\u0131, ideolojik karga\u015faya yol a\u00e7t\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Tony Blair\u2019in \u201c\u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc Yol\u201du, neoliberalizmin h\u00e2kimiyeti kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda  sosyal demokrasinin ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 kimlik krizinin \u00fczerine geldi. \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc yol, pop\u00fclizm cilas\u0131yla parlat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f neoliberalizmden ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildi.  Demokrat Bill Clinton\u2019la ayn\u0131 emperyalist politikalarda birle\u015fen Tony Blair, II. Enternasyonal\u2019in miras\u0131n\u0131, yani marksizmin her t\u00fcrl\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc reddederek sosyal demokrasiyi vah\u015fi kapitalizme teslim etti. Bu arada   b\u00fcy\u00fck i\u015f\u00e7i hareketleri geri \u00e7ekilmi\u015f, sendikalar zay\u0131flam\u0131\u015f, d\u00fcnya burjuvazisi \u201csosyal refah devleti\u201d bask\u0131s\u0131ndan kurtulmu\u015ftu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu geli\u015fmeler T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye de yans\u0131d\u0131. \u0130n\u00f6n\u00fc\u2019n\u00fcn belirsiz \u201cortan\u0131n solu\u201d \u00e7izgisi kap\u0131y\u0131 a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ecevit o kap\u0131dan girerek bir t\u00fcr \u0130skandinav sosyal demokrasisini savundu, k\u0131sa ba\u015fbakanl\u0131k d\u00f6nemlerinde Devlet Planlama Te\u015fkilat\u0131\u2019n\u0131 y\u00f6nlendirmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Fakat ekonomik m\u00fccadelenin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015f\u0131p siyasi m\u00fccadele alan\u0131na (\u201cDGM\u2019yi ezdik s\u0131ra MESS\u2019te!\u201d) ta\u015fan sendikal harekete hep mesafeli durdu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kanl\u0131 1 May\u0131s 1977\u2019den yedi ay sonra  CHP\u2019li Abdullah Ba\u015ft\u00fcrk D\u0130SK\u2019in ba\u015f\u0131na ge\u00e7ti, devrimci kadrolar, sahici sendikac\u0131larla birlikte evreler h\u00e2linde tasfiye edildi. Ba\u015ft\u00fcrk 1987\u2019de ikinci kez CHP\u2019den milletvekili se\u00e7ildi. Bu arada D\u0130SK\u2019in kurucusu ve ilk genel ba\u015fkan\u0131  Kemal T\u00fcrkler \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc (1980).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

12 Eyl\u00fcl ufukta g\u00f6r\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde Ecevit sol-sosyalist kamuoyunun ve baz\u0131 devrimci hareketlerin \u201cdemokratik cephe\u201d \u00f6nerilerine de y\u00fcz vermedi.  Darbeden sonra Demirel\u2019in aksine  partisine sahip \u00e7\u0131kmad\u0131; parti i\u00e7i hiziplerden y\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.  1985\u2019te ayr\u0131 bir parti kurdu (DSP). \u0130skandinav sosyalizmine yabanc\u0131 halk\u0131n, \u00f6zg\u00fcn program\u0131ndan \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc de\u011fil de \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye getirdi\u011fi i\u00e7in Ecevit\u2019i ba\u015fbakan yapmas\u0131 (1999)  ironiktir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

24 Ocak Kararlar\u0131\u2019n\u0131n d\u00f6rt nala uyguland\u0131\u011f\u0131, sendikac\u0131lar\u0131n idamla yarg\u0131land\u0131klar\u0131, sendikalar\u0131n k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ve siyaset esnaf\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan ele ge\u00e7irildi\u011fi bir darbe d\u00f6neminin ard\u0131ndan entelekt\u00fcel faaliyet alan\u0131 cinsinden kadrosuz, s\u0131n\u0131fsal temelden yoksun fakat ad\u0131nda \u201csosyal demokrasi,\u201d \u201csosyal demokrat\u201d ifadeleri olan partiler kuruldu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Fakat CHP\u2019yi  \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc Yol\u2019a sokan Deniz Baykal oldu. D\u00fcnyadaki de\u011fi\u015fimin fark\u0131ndayd\u0131. Belki de  geleneksel  Kemalist, kamucu \u00e7izgiyle partisini ayakta tutamayaca\u011f\u0131na inanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc Yol\u2019la birlikte eski parti kadrolar\u0131n\u0131 evreler h\u00e2linde tasfiye etmeye, yerlerine liberallerden, ileti\u015fim teknisyenlerinden olu\u015fan yeni bir kadro getirip partisini d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmeye karar verdi\u011fini anl\u0131yoruz. Bir t\u00fcr \u00f6n-K\u0131l\u0131\u00e7daro\u011flu gibi davrand\u0131; neoliberalizme uyumlu yeni bir  \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc Yol CHP\u2019si kurmak istedi. Sorun \u00e7\u00f6zme y\u00f6ntemleri de\u011fi\u015fmi\u015fti. Baykal, \u201cMesut Y\u0131lmaz\u2019la e\u015flerimizi al\u0131p kot pantolonlar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 giyerek pikni\u011fe gidip sorunlar\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6zeriz,\u201d gibi \u015feyler s\u00f6yl\u00fcyordu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

 CHP\u2019nin 1998\u2019de yap\u0131lan 28. Kurulta\u2019y\u0131nda Baykal     sahneye konfeti ya\u011fmuru alt\u0131nda pembe bulutlar i\u00e7inde, Ricky Martin\u2019in  \u201cLa copa de la vida\u201d \u015fark\u0131s\u0131 e\u015fli\u011finde g\u00f6klerden ko\u015farak indi. CHP\u2019nin siyas\u00ee gelene\u011fine uymayan, tuhaf bir manzarayd\u0131. Kurultay\u2019\u0131n slogan\u0131 \u201cD\u00fcnyada Yeni Sol, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de Yeni CHP\u201d idi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

O s\u0131rada 28 \u015eubat\u2019\u0131n \u00fczerinden bir y\u0131l ge\u00e7mi\u015f, generallerin laikli\u011fi  ve Mustafa Kemal\u2019in Devrimleri\u2019ni savunan 18 Maddelik program\u0131  siyas\u00ee partilerin AB\u2019ye girme umutlar\u0131yla ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 doz demokrasinin ve d\u00fcnyada esen neoliberalizm r\u00fczg\u00e2rlar\u0131n\u0131n etkisiyle unutulmaya y\u00fcz tutmu\u015ftu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Baykal teorik temelleri de ihmal etmemi\u015f, \u0130smail Cem\u2019le birlikte \u201cYeni Sol\u201d (Cem Yay\u0131nlar\u0131 1992) ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 bir kitap yazm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Kitap Alt\u0131 Ok\u2019a alternatif ar\u0131yor, Devlet\u00e7ilik ve Milliyet\u00e7ilik\u2019i ele\u015ftiriyordu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

24 Aral\u0131k 1995\u2019de TRT\u2019de yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 se\u00e7im konu\u015fmas\u0131nda Baykal \u201cD\u00fcnyada y\u00fckselen solu T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de temsil eden parti CHP\u2019dir,\u201d dedi. Eski sol i\u00e7ine kapan\u0131kt\u0131, yeni sol d\u00fcnyaya a\u00e7\u0131lacakt\u0131, eski sol vehim ve korku i\u00e7indeyken yeni sol g\u00fcven ve ho\u015fg\u00f6r\u00fc sahibiydi. Eski sol bir lokma bir h\u0131rkay\u0131 savunurken, yeni sol \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f t\u00fcketim (!) ve refah\u0131 savunuyordu. (akt. Ay\u015fe Fulya \u015een, \u015eule Yenig\u00fcn Alt\u0131n,  2019, s. 444).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Laiklikten elbette vazge\u00e7medi. Fakat \u201chelalle\u015fme\u201d s\u00fcrecini ba\u015flatt\u0131; 2008\u2019de Sultangazi\u2019de yap\u0131lan kat\u0131l\u0131m toplant\u0131s\u0131nda \u00e7ar\u015fafl\u0131 kad\u0131nlara alt\u0131 oklu rozet takt\u0131.  17 Nisan 2007 tarihli grup toplant\u0131s\u0131nda konu\u015furken, \u201c\u0130nan\u00e7lar\u0131m\u0131zla, mabetlerimizle, camilerimizle  iftihar ediyoruz. Peygamberimizle iftihar ediyoruz. B\u00fct\u00fcn din\u00ee kimli\u011fimizle iftihar ediyoruz,\u201d (agy., s. 445) gibi \u015feyler s\u00f6yleme gere\u011fi duydu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

K\u0131l\u0131\u00e7daro\u011flu ekibinin g\u00f6kten zembille inmedi\u011fini, s\u00fcrecin \u00e7ok \u00f6nce ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 anl\u0131yoruz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Baykal, b\u00fct\u00fcn bunlara ra\u011fmen devlet adam\u0131 niteli\u011fine sahipti ve s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 vard\u0131. Kurucu de\u011ferleri ve \u00fcniter devlet anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 suskunlukla ge\u00e7i\u015ftirecek biri de\u011fildi.   Yeni Sol \u00e7izginin bug\u00fcn a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kan sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nceden g\u00f6r\u00fcp tutumunu de\u011fi\u015ftirebilirdi.    En \u00f6nemlisi 1 Mart (2003) tezkeresine kararl\u0131 bir tutumla kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Emperyal merkezler onun gibi birinin ana muhalefetin ba\u015f\u0131nda olmas\u0131n\u0131 istemediler, K\u0131l\u0131\u00e7daro\u011flu\u2019nu emperyal projeye daha uygun buldular.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de \u00f6zg\u00fcn program\u0131, bilin\u00e7li taban \u00f6rg\u00fctleri, militan kadrolar\u0131, sendikal hareketle organik ba\u011flar\u0131 olan sahici bir sosyal demokrat parti olsayd\u0131, Kemalizm\u2019le ya da Kurulu\u015f \u0130lkeleri\u2019yle  \u00e7eli\u015fmezdi.  Atat\u00fcrk Devrimleri, son tahlilde, \u00e7ok partili bir siyas\u00ee yap\u0131n\u0131n, ayd\u0131nlanm\u0131\u015f bir toplumun altyap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 haz\u0131rlad\u0131; laik, demokratik, sosyal hukuk devletine giden yolu a\u00e7t\u0131. Mevcut sistem partileri y\u0131llard\u0131r yerine ne koyacaklar\u0131n\u0131 bilmeden ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmeden bu altyap\u0131y\u0131 tahrip etmekle me\u015fguller.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kemalizm\u2019e ters d\u00fc\u015fen, siyas\u00ee partilerin toplumsal s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 ya da \u00e7\u0131kar gruplar\u0131n\u0131 temsil eden yurtta\u015f partileri olmaktan \u00e7\u0131karak, birbirinin taban\u0131na \u015firin g\u00f6r\u00fcnmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan mezhep, tarikat, etnisite ve hem\u015feri \u00f6rg\u00fctlerine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f olmas\u0131d\u0131r. CHP\u2019nin tarihsel olarak sosyal demokrasinin i\u00e7inden ge\u00e7ip etraf\u0131nda dola\u015ft\u0131ktan sonra g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde Alevi a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 ilkesiz bir politik faydac\u0131  parti olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 ancak bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmle a\u00e7\u0131klanabilir. Sosyal Demokrasi\u2019yi bir ideoloji ve program olarak bu partinin ve benzerlerinin tarihinde nereye koyaca\u011f\u0131z?  Veryans\u0131n<\/em>, 10. 08. 2022<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

SOSYAL DEMOKRAS\u0130 M\u0130 DED\u0130N\u0130Z? Yavuz Alogan Sosyal demokrat partilerin iki sava\u015f aras\u0131 d\u00f6nemde (1918-1939) fakat \u00f6zellikle \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n bitiminden (1945) Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019nin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcne (1991)  kadar ge\u00e7en s\u00fcre i\u00e7inde vah\u015fi kapitalizmi ehlile\u015ftirdi\u011fi, sosyal refah devleti anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 yerle\u015ftirdi\u011fi ink\u00e2r edilemez. Yukar\u0131daki paragraf\u0131, proleter ihtilalinin devrimci \u00e7izgisine ihanet ederek devrim s\u00fcrecinin yerine evrimci d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc ge\u00e7iren d\u00f6nek II. … <\/p>\n

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